Interview with Khalida Jarrar, Prominent Palestinian Activist and Parliamentary Member, After her Release from Prison

Khalida Jarrar in Addameer offices, Ramallah taken by interviewer. Khalida Jarrar in Addameer offices, Ramallah taken by interviewer.

Interview with Khalida Jarrar, Prominent Palestinian Activist and Parliamentary Member, After her Release from Prison

By : Noura Erakat

Khalida Jarrar is a longtime Palestinian activist, feminist, and leading member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). She served as the Director of the Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association between 1993 and 2005 and has been a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) since 2006 where she leads the committee on political prisoners.

In 2014, the Israeli military ordered that Jarrar move from her home in Ramallah to Jericho. Under the Oslo framework, both cities are in Area A, the twelve percent of the Occupied West Bank and the Gaza Strip subject to Palestinian civil and security jurisdiction. The deportation order is on its face, violative of this arrangement. In response, Jarrar staged a month long sit-in in front of the PLC offices in Ramallah and, together with international support, successfully overturned the military order. 

On 2 April 2015, Israeli military forces arrested Jarrar in a pre-dawn raid where they forcibly removed her from her home. She served six months under administrative detention, the martial law framework that authorizes Israeli forces to detain any Palestinian without charge or trial for up to six months at a time that can be renewed indefinitely. In response to international protest, the military ended its administrative detention and charged Jarrar with twelve counts all related to her political activity. She accepted a plea bargain whereby she would serve a fifteen-month sentence and pay a 10,000 NIS fine (~2,600 USD) for being a member of the PFLP and incitement. She chose not to go to trial to challenge her detention because of her lack of faith in the occupation court, which has a 99.7 percent conviction rate against Palestinian defendants

In late July 2016, two months after her release, I met with Jarrar in the Addameer offices in Ramallah to discuss the conditions of her captivity as well as her visions for the future of Palestinian struggle and liberation.

On Captivity

Noura Erakat [NE]: According to Addameer there are currently 7,000 Palestinian political prisoners, including seventy women and girl prisoners Can you tell me a little bit more about their condition of captivity.  

Khalida Jarrar [KJ]: In the year and a half I was imprisoned, there was a total of twenty-five young girls and fourteen were left when I was released. These girls are charged with stabbing or attempted stabbing of an Israeli soldier. Many of them do not have internet, let alone facebook; they were not influenced by social media. They were very impacted by seeing young girls attacked and killed like Hadeel Hashlamon and Yasmeen al Zaru. Seeing these young girls attacked and killed mercilessly drove them to attempt to attack Israel’s occupation forces.

NE: Palestinian detention is historically known as a space of politicization. Did you find that to be the case during your recent captivity?

KJ: There were twenty-five young girls in captivity when I arrived so I organized with the other prisoners to establish a school for them. The primary interlocutor is Lena Jarbouni. Each prison has a representative that negotiates with the Israeli prison administration, Lena was that representative for all of us. She has been in prison since 2003, she is a Palestinian with Israeli citizenship and has not been released in any of the subsequent prisoner exchanges. By the time she serves her sentence and is released, she will have served the longest sentence among all Palestinian female prisoners. She was arrested at twenty-six and will be released at forty-one. She was very effective and a leader in her all rights. 

Together, we took advantage of a military law that allows minors to be educated in captivity. We used that to get a Palestinian teacher from the ’48 territories from 8:30 AM-3 PM. We created a classroom for them as well as a library. The Israeli Prison Administration permits each prisoner to bring in up to two books a month delivered by their families. We created a library and appointed one of the young girls to be the librarian.

As students, these girls were exempt from the rest of the prison administration. In general, we were given a total of three hours of free time when we could leave our cells and be outdoors. The girls were able to leave their cells from morning until 3 PM for schooling. I used my free time to also teach the students a course on political philosophy.

NE: These girls are spending a critical portion of their formative years in captivity. Do you feel that they are prepared to re-enter society and all its norms upon release?

KJ: Yes, that is the point; to avoid a severe interruption in their development. There were several girls that can take the tawjihi, a matriculation exam upon which entry to university depends. Last year, all five girls who took it in prison passed. This year, four girls are preparing for the exam.

In addition, we introduced them to several crafts that can be useful. We taught them how to make tatreez, traditional cross-stitch, as well as jewelry, and notebooks.  I remain in communication with them. Part of the issue is general political and social awareness around women’s issues and part of the work I see for myself now is work with women’s organizations to better educate young girls and women about gender issues, women’s rights, as well political awareness, more generally.

Kangaroo Court and Conviction

NE: Your arrest came abruptly after you had successfully defied Israeli Military orders to leave your own home in Ramallah and to move to Jericho. Of course this order is in and of itself in violation of existing laws…

KJ: [laughs loudly] What law? 

NE: I know, theoretically speaking…anyway, after you defied the law, on what grounds did they arrest you?  

KJ: I refused to obey their deportation order and began a sit-in in front of the PLC building where others joined me for a month in defiance of the order. Ultimately, Israeli forces arrested me on grounds for refusing the order. Once in custody, they convicted me for fifteen months for being a member of the PFLP and incitement. The accusations were ridiculous and unfounded.

The charges said that one time I visited prisoners who had just been released and they considered my visit as material support for terrorism. Another time I gave a speech in front of the PFLP flag and the military alleged that doing so endorsed the destruction of Israel. In the list of charges, they even included my attendance of a book fair where I asked fair goers, “hello, how are you?” That was grounds for imprisonment.

This is the problem with military law, being Palestinian is sufficient grounds for detention. 

I spent six months in administrative detention before the military even made any charges against me. If it were not for the international support I received, I could have spent much longer in captivity without charge or trial.

One time Addameer, asked that I be released on bail and the first judge agreed that I was not a security threat and granted me release on bail. The military lawyers appealed and said that if I was released, the military would re-arrest me under administrative detention. They brought nineteen witnesses against me, none of whom were material. They merely recounted that I visited someone recently released from prison or attended a public event. I refused to testify. It was a theater. 

Post-release: The Situation is the Same and Worse  

NE: How do you see the situation since you have been released?

KJ: It has only been two months since I have been out. I found everything as it was and a little worse. The occupation seems to be worsening in all of its dimensions.

The United States is attempting to enforce greater fragmentation among our communities. Arab states are engaged in explicit normalization with Israel diminishing our ability to apply pressure upon Israel. These states now want to modify the Arab Peace Initiative so that they can normalize relations with Israel even without achieving a resolution to the conflict or the Palestinian condition. Regionally, groups like ISIS are destabilizing conditions so that the Palestinian Question is fading in significance. Palestinian refugees fleeing Syria are pressured to accept whatever is being offered to them because the future is going to be worse; further weakening claims for return. 

NE: Do you have a vision for alternative strategies for liberation?

KJ: There are alternatives but there is not a lot of support for them. The schism in Palestinian society and politics is deep and it is affecting us. At the very least, the Palestinian leadership should initiate a global conference to initiate all existing international laws meant to protect Palestinians- this is an alternative to the current political track. Everything else has failed and they can push for this as a call for protection in the face of failed politics.

NE: A fundamental part of the problem is the formal Palestinian leadership itself. How do Palestinians overcome this obstacle? 

KJ: We need to return to a political and popular referendum. We need a leadership that is closer to the Palestinian street; we need a unified popular leadership unified similar to the structures we had during the first Intifada. We are currently in a state of sumoud, steadfastness, we need political support to strengthen this somoud. In practice, our existing leadership has undermined all existing and decentralized Palestinian resistance efforts.

Right now, not everyone is convinced resistance is even possible. In fact, a large segment of society believes that these conditions are opportune for them. They are not making any demands, not even for international protection. No provision of food or shelter or security or even hope.

This is not the work of any one individual or even several individuals. This is the work of groups and movements. And here if you breathe you are arrested, which makes it even harder to nurture such groups and develop those movements.

NE: So how do we fill this gap between what is necessary and what is possible?

KJ: People will fill it. During my trial, I stated that “I represent a people and my people are under occupation and it is my right to protest.” The military judge ordered me to be placed in solitary confinement for saying this. But my fellow prisoners protested so much that I was never placed in solitary.

We need to be patient, not to lose hope, not to lose track. And there will be a accumulation of efforts that will lead to change. We need to have hope that we will be victorious. We are not unique in our condition, other peoples have overcome worse or similar conditions. If our generation is not the one to accomplish this than it will be achieved by other generations to come.

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Interview with Temple Students for Justice in Palestine

The following interview is part of a series of long-form interviews with chapters of Students for Justice in Palestine. The aim is to create a space for chapters to articulate their political perspectives and experiences on campus organizing, as part of a broader project to create a public archive of post-2000 organizing. The introduction to the series and other interviews are here.

Q: Can you describe quickly your chapter’s activities over the past year or two? What does your organizing look like? What kind of plans do you have for the future? 

Temple SJP: Temple SJP was founded in the mid-2000s. One of the original founding members from that time, Nehad Khader, is now managing editor of the Journal of Palestine Studies and a film curator for the annual DC Palestinian Film and Arts Festival. From the very beginning, Temple SJP had participated in broader coalition politics on campus and in the larger city, like raising the minimum wage, combating racism in all its forms, and protesting and spreading awareness about Palestine. Wafaa Dias, a Palestinian-American student from Northeast Philadelphia, revitalized our SJP chapter a few years ago and made it what it is today. We hosted significant speakers on campus like Ali Abunimah and Norman Finkelstein, and also started Palestinian Nights, an annual fundraiser that promotes Palestinian culture and raises money for charities and organizations that serve the Palestinian people. At our most recent Palestinian Nights, we had Tariq Abu Khdeir speak about his experience with police violence in Palestine, and a local young Palestinian poet, Islam, performed in Arabic. Temple SJP has always sought to weave the culture of the Palestinian people with their resistance, because we recognize they are inextricably bound.

While we are a student organization, we are also a collective of activists who remain deeply committed to the people of Philadelphia. Our location in North Philadelphia, an area of working class Black people with a rich history of resistance, gives us the advantage of being rooted in a strong organizing community. The Church of the Advocate, a historic Black church that hosted the Black Power and Black Panther conferences in the 1960s to 70s, is only three blocks away from campus, and Elaine Brown, the first and only chairwoman of the Black Panther Party, was a native of North Philly and a Temple student. Our understanding of the Black struggle in North Philly and its relationship with national liberation because of our context has affected our understanding and activism for the Palestinian struggle.

Our longtime alliance with The Campaign to Bring Mumia Home, which rallies for Philadelphia political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal, and our commitment to the MOVE family, who were firebombed by Philly police in 1985, also characterize our organizing. Most recently, Temple SJP co-sponsored the Black Radical Tradition Conference, and many of our leading members were on the steering committee for the conference and/or were volunteers. Over the years, we have mobilized in student coalition work against the gentrification and racist displacement that Temple causes in North Philly, connecting it to settler colonialism and state violence in Palestine.

Consciousness-raising and political education also remain a cornerstone of our organization. In the past, we have presented teach-ins like Women in Palestine, Palestine 101, and Palestinian Resistance, and we have many other teach-ins currently in development, such as Combating Liberalism and History of American Movements. We have also collaborated with other organizations. For example, this year we participated in an event on Police Brutality around the World with Temple Black Law Student Association and Society of Caribbean Awareness, and we planned and presented an event with Temple Queer People of Color on queer resistance, pinkwashing, and solidarity. 

We use actions, demonstrations, and protests to raise awareness about Palestine both on campus and in the city. Last year, we held a day of action for Rasmea Odeh, and we held a flash mob declaring Israeli settlements and violence illegal under international law. We also hold the annual apartheid wall demonstration in the spring, where we set up a mock wall outside on campus to expose students, faculty, and community to the everyday segregation and violence Palestinians endure under the occupation.

Most recently, we hosted the SJP East regional conference, which sought to resolve questions of internal structure and organization. At the conference, we hosted and organized workshops called Confronting Repression on Campus, Organizing against Gentrification and Colonialism and The Revolutionary Mission of the Black Panther Party. This summer, we started the SJP Ona Move campaign, which struggles for the liberation of Black and Palestinian political prisoners, located in the struggle to free Philly’s Mumia Abu Jamal and the MOVE 9.

In the future, we want to lobby Temple to hang a Palestinian flag in the Student Center among the flags of other countries, which we believe would help represent the high population of Palestinian students from Northeast Philly. We aim to continue our solidarity work in North Philly, particularly the student-community mobilization against the stadium Temple plans to build in its brutal neoliberal plan of gentrifying and displacing the North Philly community.

 

Q: Does your chapter focus on anti-occupation politics or broader anti-Zionist politics? If one or the other—or sometimes one, and sometimes the other—why have you made that choice, and under what circumstances do you choose to emphasize the occupation versus a broader opposition, or vice-versa? 

Temple SJP: Our SJP chapter focuses on anti-Zionism, which is the principle guiding our organizing, and the other side of the coin of our ultimate goal, national liberation for the people of Palestine. We do not believe anti-occupation politics are sufficient in addressing Israeli settler-colonialism, which encompasses not just the West Bank, but also historic Palestine. We understand that Zionism is not just an oppressive ideology, but a system of racism and colonialism that robs the Palestinian people of their fundamental human rights. We agree with Edward Said’s analysis that “Zionism. . . [is] a movement for colonial settlement in the Orient.”

In opposing Zionism, we oppose racism and we oppose colonialism in all of its forms.

Temple SJP is anti-Zionist because we believe anti-imperialism is a necessary stance we must take if we want to see any shift in discourse and movement-building in the United States. By making people conscious of the oppression Zionism causes, and by opposing colonialism, racism, and imperialism in all its forms, we are challenging people to think critically about empire and neoliberalism. We believe the time for Palestine solidarity has never been more critical in the United States than it is now, and that it is necessary to take advantage of this moment to expose the public to imperialism and the struggle against it. Only from this energy and momentum, we will be able to build a powerful internationalist movement for Palestine in the United States and the rest of the world.

Q: Does your chapter build alliances with other campus groups? If so, which ones, and what guides those alliances?

Temple SJP: We have a strong campus presence and longtime connections with various groups on campus. We are allied with Temple Queer People of Color, 15 Now, Black Law Student Association, Black Student Union, The Muslimah Project, Temple Area Feminist Collective, Temple Socialists and many other organizations. We have also participated in many student power coalitions like the Million Student March, Coalition for Radical Student Power and People’s Power Coalition at Temple.

For us, the principle that guides our alliances is the awareness that we are all part of the same struggle. The liberation of workers, women, queer people, Black people, and minorities is not possible without the liberation of the Palestinian people. Likewise, the liberation of the Palestinian people depends on the liberation of humanity from the chains of oppression. We believe it is both right and strategic to connect politics and unite the people in combating forces of oppression. We are stronger and more powerful in numbers when we are united and consolidated, and history proves the oppressor implements seeds of division to prevent organized fronts of resistance. Revolutionary love and the need for friendship ensure these relationships thrive, and we become not just allies, but friends with students in these organizations.

Q: Does your chapter have links with community groups, Palestinian or otherwise? What are your frames and points of political reference in terms of Palestinian politics?

Temple SJP: Temple SJP is rooted in community. We believe student organizing power is not possible without serving the community that surrounds us. We are connected to the Palestinian community of Northeast Philadelphia with whom we organized the protests for Gaza in 2014. We are also connected with Palestine Children’s Relief Fund, Playgrounds for Palestine and Al-Bustan, Seeds of Culture, which promotes cultural resistance and the arts of the Arab world. We organize protests with Philly BDS and help with their campaigns. We also work with Philly JVP with whom we hosted a teach-in in 2014 called Antisemitism and the Left.

Local activist and internationally-acclaimed Palestinian novelist, Susan Abulhawa, is the founder of Playgrounds for Palestine and serves as an informal advisor to Temple SJP. Recently, we reconnected with Nehad Khader, who co-facilitated a workshop at the SJP East regional conference on transitional leadership for SJP groups with current and past Temple SJP leaders. Dr. Anthony Monteiro, a former member of the central committee of the Communist Party USA, a civil rights activist and a native of North Philly, is our mentor and brings decades-long experience of internationalism, solidarity, and the struggle against apartheid in South Africa and police violence in the US to Temple SJP. 

As mentioned before, we are rooted in the North Philly community foremost because of Temple’s location and the organizing culture in the area. We are involved with Stadium Stompers, a joint student-and-community-led organization, which rallies against Temple’s gentrification plans to build a stadium, and the People’s Power Coalition. We are involved with political prisoner advocacy in solidarity with MOVE and The Campaign to Bring Mumia Home with the SJP Ona Move campaign. Many people in our leadership are also in the Black Radical Organizing Collective.

We were involved in the protests that flared up following the grand jury decision on the Mike Brown case and the murder of Freddie Gray, and we worked with the Ferguson to Philly Coalition, now known as the REAL Justice Coalition. We were allied with People Utilizing Real Power, a North Philly-based youth organization that mobilized against gentrification, police brutality, racism, and imperialism. Other organizations with whom we work include Philadelphia Jews for a Just Peace, Philadelphia South Asian Collective, and the International Action Committee.

Q: What role, if any, do you see for student leadership within broader movement politics? Alternatively, what do you consider the specific role of students within the movement more broadly?

Temple SJP: We believe student power is not possible without serving the people and the community. Students must join forces with the people if we wish to effect real political change instead of stagnating in feel-good echo chambers. While hosting discussions and raising campus awareness is the first step, it is crucial we connect and work with oppressed communities on the ground. As students, we are strategically located within the university and our access to education and power should be channeled into doing work for the movement. Our privilege and access should be utilized to benefit the people. The movement is made by the people, and for that reason, student leaders are accountable to the people. As a result, student organizers must join the people and become part of them.

Challenging the university from within is necessary for student-activists. Universities often become forces of hegemony and oppression. From Chicago to CUNY to Mizzou to Princeton, we have seen students protest against their universities, hold them accountable, and force them to do better. In the struggle against gentrification in North Philly, Temple SJP has learned the necessity of joining with community to protest the problems in our university. By joining the community, we challenge the racist and colonialist lines people in power at Temple have drawn to divide the people. 

Q: Do you receive support from faculty? What form does that take, and are they involved in your organizing more broadly?

Temple SJP: Our faculty advisor is Khalid Blankinship, professor of religion at Temple and an internationally renowned scholar in Islamic Studies. However, we do not receive particular support from faculty at Temple. If we are ever supported by faculty, it is tacitly given, because most faculty are forced to be neutral and apolitical. This is largely due to Temple’s increasing corporatism, which creates an anti-intellectual environment and makes it difficult for professors to be involved in political organizing without fearing for their jobs. For example, a couple years ago, we lost the support of a tenured professor because he was threatened by the Anti-Defamation League. Dr. Anthony Monteiro, our mentor, was a professor in African American Studies at Temple for years, but was fired for criticizing Temple’s gentrification of his neighborhood and community. Entire departments in the College of Liberal Arts have been shut down or have lost funding. It was only recently that adjunct faculty were allowed to unionize, and that was due to coalition work on campus. 

Q: What is your relationship with the administration, past and present, both positive and negative? And also with student government?

Temple SJP: Our relationship with administration goes in cycles. Sometimes, administration is helpful and cooperative, which is in fact their job, and other times they are calling cops to monitor our twenty-minute flash mob. In 2014, a Zionist student and CAMERA fellow started harassing Temple SJP’s information table. A second visitor to our table slapped him. A right-wing, racist, anti-Palestine media campaign started, seeking to shut down our organization and inhibit Temple SJP from exercising our freedom of speech. Ever since then, the Zionist pressure on university administration has increased. This has resulted in cancelled meetings, cancelled room reservations, monitoring our freedom of speech on social media, policing our peaceful protests, and threats to shut down our organization. While Temple SJP receives the worst of the repression and has been repressed for the longest period of time, other politically active organizations on campus face similar repression.

For the past few years, our student government has been largely apolitical and has failed to connect with the majority of the students or speak to their concerns, and also failed to consider community in its agenda for bettering the university. Recently, however, we saw the dynamic shift when Take TU ran for elections. Take TU was an intersectional feminist campaign that came out of the Million Student March and the coalition against the stadium. It stood in solidarity with the North Philly community and had strong campaign points. Interestingly enough, we saw other campaigns invested in empty politicking co-opt from Take TU’s platform in debates. While Take TU lost, they shifted the narrative and helped to mainstream Temple’s longtime activist community and culture on campus. We hope this change in discourse will work to the benefit of Temple SJP and any campaigns we would want to start in the future.