Perspectives on the Immigration Ban: A Town Hall with GMU Faculty

 Perspectives on the Immigration Ban: A Town Hall with GMU Faculty

Perspectives on the Immigration Ban: A Town Hall with GMU Faculty

By : Paul Fischer

On Thursday, February 9 The Ali Vural Ak Center for Global Islamic Studies at George Mason University, in conjunction with the Middle East and Islamic Studies Program, hosted a town hall titled “Perspectives on the Immigration Ban.” The Center organized the town hall as a response to the confusion and questions surrounding Executive Order 13769, titled “Protection of The Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” and more commonly referred to as the “Muslim Ban,” signed on 27 January. The town hall brought together six Mason faculty members to put the ban under scrutiny from multiple angles in conversation with the audience.

The first speaker, 
Noura Erakat, discussed the extent and limits of presidential authority to enact the ban, the administrative process through which the ban was created, and the ban’s current legal standing within the judicial system. In regards to the president’s authority, Dr. Erakat made clear that the president had legal and constitutional power to restrict immigration and travel, but also noted the necessity of compelling reason for such a ban to be enacted. Professor Erakat concluded that the ban will likely not withstand strict scrutiny as drafted for being overly broad with no definite security threat; however, it could be amended to circumvent the legal constraint.

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[Noura Erakat addresses the legality of the executive order and its implementation.]

The next speaker, Peter Mandaville, discussed the ban in regards to national security, whether it serves the administration’s stated desire of targeting terrorists. He stated that although the ban targets seven Muslim majority nations considered terror-prone, none of the terrorists that have attacked the US came from these countries. Dr. Mandaville argued that the ban implicitly provides for privileged access of Christian immigrants and refugees after the ban expires, indicating a new religiously based form of immigration to the United States. Dr. Mandaville concluded that the ban aims to solve a problem that is not there.

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[Peter Mandaville discusses the travel ban’s implications for national security.]

Next, Huseyin Yilmaz discussed the ban within a larger historical context in which cultural identities were securitized in response to broader problems. Dr. Yilmaz argued that the current policy environment reflected the nineteenth century “Eastern Question” where western European states framed their relationship with the then Near East as a security question whereby Muslims were seen as inherently different, inferior, and violent. He pointed that, as reflected by Huntington’s clash of civilizations thesis, since the end of the Cold War, cultural differences have been exploited to identify culprits for ongoing troubles ranging from unemployment to income inequality.

In regards to the domestic impact of the ban, Ahmet Tekeliogludiscussed the Muslim community in America, including the significant number of Muslim non-citizens. He explained that among non-citizens, increasing fear reflects the community’s vulnerability, fears that have also increased within community members that hold US citizenship. Dr. Tekelioglu drew attention to the highly diverse nature of the Muslim American community that parallels the diversity in Christian or Jewish communities. He emphasized that, in the future, the likely drawdown on federal civil rights watchdog units will serve to increase fears and vulnerabilities still further.

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[Maydan Editor Ahmet Tekelioglu discusses the impact felt by American Muslims as a result of the immigration ban.]

Finally, Sumaiya Hamdani discussed the historical background of the executive order, which came from a series of deep, long-standing maneuvers and strategies, deeply-rooted in an antipathy towards Muslims. Dr. Hamdani emphasized that Identification of parts of the Middle East and North Africa region as “bad Muslims” can be seen in the ban which purports the view that residents of “failed states” and “rogue states” being especially prone to be stigmatized as “bad Muslims.”

Bassam Haddad, as moderator, concluded the lecture portion of the panel before opening the room for questions. Focusing on the larger foreign policy of the Trump administration, Dr. Haddad argued that new strategies indicate a degradation of policy on the MENA region, with terrorism being the clear focus. He stated that the ban itself is unlikely to produce the stated effects and actions. Instead, because of the ambiguities in the language of the executive order and the stated goals of the administration, it will likely sow uncertainties and grey areas that may create further troubles and vulnerabilities.

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[Bassam Haddad outlines how the travel ban reflects a shift in US foreign policy toward the Middle East.]

During the town-hall portion of the event, the attendees conversed with the panelists on various aspects of the immigration ban, including its legality, policy goals, and public reaction. The panel served as an informative and critical platform to discuss the context, language, and effects of the ban. Covering a broad range of relevant issues from multiple perspective, the panel provided a holistic picture in hopes that the audience could be better informed of the nuances that shaped the ban and its effects. The panelists and the participants argued that similar programs should be organized in the future to exchange views, share experiences, and explore the question from multiple angles.

[This report is published in partnership with www.TheMaydan.com]

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412