New Texts Out Now: Mohammad Salama and Rachel Friedman, Locating the Secular in Sayyid Qutb

[Cover of Arab Studies Journal Vol. XX No. 1 (Spring 2012)] [Cover of Arab Studies Journal Vol. XX No. 1 (Spring 2012)]

New Texts Out Now: Mohammad Salama and Rachel Friedman, Locating the Secular in Sayyid Qutb

By : Mohammad Salama and Rachel Friedman

Mohammad Salama and Rachel Friedman, “Locating the Secular in Sayyid Qutb.” Arab Studies Journal Vol. XX No. 1 (Spring 2012).

Jadaliyya (J): What led you to write this article?

Mohammad Salama and Rachel Friedman (MS and RF): The post-revolutionary political scene in Egypt, with at least fourteen Islamist parties vying for power, is a timely historical moment to take a close look at the dynamics of religious authority versus the so-called secular. As the Egyptian people succeeded in overthrowing Mubarak’s dictatorship, the importance of popular discourses asserts itself strongly.

Our article came about partly through a desire to show how popular, non-institutional currents of thought tell a different history of the secular in Egypt than a governmental history would. We wanted to reopen a dialogue about the epistemological and ideological groundings of “the secular” in the Egyptian public sphere, a concept we believe calcified in Sayyid Qutb’s writings. As we have witnessed educated Egyptians using the word “secular/secularist” in a reductionist way, almost exclusively and unproblematically synonymous with kafir, or disbeliever, we felt an urgency to examine the changing culture in Egypt in light of the Arab Spring but also the widening divide between the possible hopes of the Egyptian society and the escalating “jargons of authenticity” that characterize the Islamist political movements today. Misunderstandings of the “secular” are not an excuse for repeating historical mistakes, especially when there is a historical amnesia, not just of the Ottoman dawlat al-Islam, and how it ran the affairs of pre-colonial Egypt before the Ali dynasty, but also the misconceptions we are witnessing before our eyes of the very culture and language of Islam.

This failure to understand the ramifications and imbrications of what we call the “secular,” especially after Talal Asad’s discerning analysis of the concept, is dangerous enough that it might foster the fall of Egypt into yet another discourse of political violence and tyranny—divisive, essentialist, and derivative of the old Islamic ‘asabiyya-based dynastic rule that ibn Khaldun warned us against seven centuries ago. We are also intrigued by how Qutb, with his growing posthumous fame, inspired by Qur`anic verses (especially on jahiliyya), in effect takes an interpretation of the Qur’an as his guide in explaining hakimiyya and jahiliyya in history.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does it address?

MS and RF: The article is in dialogue with contemporary understandings of the secular and the doctrine of secularism, both Western and Egyptian. It takes up Talal Asad’s discussions in Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity with the goal of expanding his study of the secular, particularly in Egypt. Talal Asad opens with the intriguing question, “What might an anthropology of the secular look like?” He critiques prevalent assumptions about the secular and the areas it covers, arguing that while anthropologists have called attention to the study of the “strangeness of the non-European world” and what is seen as non-rational dimensions of social life (myth, taboo, and religion), the modern and the secular have not been adequately studied. His project is an examination of this sort, and in his case study of Egypt, he looks at how the country’s colonial court system secularized.

We use the example of Sayyid Qutb’s writings to show how a wider understanding of the secular is enriched by non-institutional discourses. Especially in the case of post-colonial nations whose governments’ interests and values were different than those of the populace, we find it important to take popular currents of thought into account. Our study of Qutb’s work is framed with this investigation of the secular and how it was received by one popular thinker in post-colonial Egypt. We investigate Qutb’s attitude toward the secular through his quasi-historical theorization of jahiliyya, showing how his work is not just a product of but also produces and perpetuates a particular conception of the secular. Qutb’s use of Qur`anic concepts and vocabulary in his discourse lends his writing a special rhetorical power while tying it to a solid religious source. Our reading of his texts is a case in point of how popular discourse enriches and expands an understanding of the secular and its history in modern Egypt.

J: How does this work connect to and/or depart from each of your previous research and writing?

MS: As a scholar of modern Arabic culture and literature with a special focus on modern Egyptian thought, I aim to draw attention not only to narratives that relate colonial and postcolonial historiographies between Islam and the West in general, but also to fabricated beginnings, selective use of the past, and ignored histories. My recent coauthored volume German Colonialism (Columbia University Press, 2011) and my book Islam, Orientalism and Intellectual History (I. B. Tauris, 2011) are examples of this kind of work. Exemplifying such complexity entails radical contextualization and incorporation of texts that may not appear immediately relevant to the conventional historian. The most important motivation here is to draw attention to gaps and lacunae, as well as tensions, in terminological jargons used simplistically in the public world of politics.

This article fits well within my current research in that it examines the recent prehistory of political Islam in Egypt in order to emphasize the subtle and complicated ways through which political meanings enter the practice of politicians and polemicists, especially on such a heated topic as the religious and the secular, which is the issue du jour in current Egyptian political discourses. But I also wish to underscore that the last thing this article wants to suggest is any straightforward or categorical differentiation between those two notions. We could philosophize and even offer our own “anthropologies from above” on what the secular entails in certain social spaces. But in the end, much would depend on how, in this case, Qutb’s “macro-Islamic” perspective of the “secular,” or what he calls the “the miserable break,” can be shown to have solidified such an understanding in the public imagination and translated it into forms of action or models of thought on the ground, whether among scholars, journalists, activists, leaders of religious parties, or any other socio-political category of the sort.

RF: My scholarship focuses on the intersection of classical Arabic literature and Islamic studies. I have a special interest in Qur`anic studies, as well as how the Qur’an and its rhetoric have shaped various discourses in the Islamic literary and cultural milieu, particularly poetic production and criticism. This article is a modern-focused extension of that work in that it is also concerned with how interpretation of the Qur’an functions outside of tafsir discourse as it is narrowly defined. My recent article “Interrogating Structural Interpretation of the Qur’ān” in Der Islam (2012) is concerned with how some modern methods of approaching the Qur’an exclude and suspend centuries of tafsīr in their attempts to impose a “scientific” organization on the Qur’an and its suras. “Locating the Secular in Sayyid Qutb” takes up the broader question of modern-day understandings of the Qur’an from a different angle, examining how Qur`anic ideas have been employed and configured in a new, highly politicized context.

J: What other projects are you each working on now?

MS: Right now I am working on a book project tentatively entitled Islam and the Secular in Colonial Egyptian Literature. I show how certain contending motifs, popularized in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, came to inform Egyptian conceptions of national identity and organize a “cohesive” sense of Egyptianness, something in the name of which political parties would be established and anti-colonial campaigns waged. Drawing on works from Rifa‘ al-Tahtawi to early Taha Husayn, the study shows how the self-understanding of society requires its cultural and literary articulation, and how the Egyptian situation in particular shows how this articulation happens in different ways that are inspired by religion but not exclusively Islam-centered.

RF: I am currently doing work on the relationship between religious thought and literary criticism in classical Arabic discourse, a relationship organized by the evolving doctrine of the inimitability of the Qur’an (iʿjaz al-Qur’an) especially in the ninth and tenth centuries CE. On one hand, my study focuses on how this doctrine shaped conceptions of literature and its rhetorical devices. On the other hand, I am interested in how the Islamic is articulated in classical Arabic poetry in verse by the likes of ibn al-Rumi (d. 896 CE) and the Andalusi convert Ibrahim ibn Sahl (d. 1251 CE).

Excerpt from “Locating the Secular in Sayyid Quṭb”

While Quṭb calls for a return to a past state of affairs where there was nothing in society outside the religious, he does so in clear and explicit opposition to the current state of affairs. Quṭb sees the political circumstances in Egypt as the latest in a series of breaking points where society’s religious element was extracted so that a system other than religion could function (as in the case of the Church replacing God with its own system of indulgences and other manmade concepts). This modern perspective, in addition to Quṭb’s direct recourse to Qur’anic verses without the mediation of classical exegesis, renders his discourse specific to the modern era.

The traces of the secular can therefore be detected in postcolonial Islamist writing and are indeed constitutive of it. One must not only look for the secular in obvious places. Asad overlooks the complex popular currents of thought that still existed and were as vibrant and reactionary as ever. In addition to the case of institutional histories like that of the Egyptian court documents, however, the secular will be detected in various discourses as a symptom of the far-reaching consequences of modernity itself. Otherwise, it would be difficult to read Quṭb’s writings and not feel the enormity of the discontent and indignation as he toils to restore, at least textually, the sovereignty of Islam and to lift the scars that Europe’s colonial modernity visited upon the Arab-Muslim world. Perhaps it was an impossible and radically extreme task, but the point is that Quṭb was writing against his lived experience of what he understood to be the secular and its attempted implementation. In the larger relationship of this body of writing to the outside world, Quṭb’s voice has been distinct and eloquent in resisting the secular and the general direction of the times. In tracing Quṭb’s definition of the secular, we have aimed to examine his understanding of the concept not only as a postcolonial plague of foreign design but also in terms of how Quṭb appropriated what he saw as the history of secularism and recast it in his own project. We do not wish simply to dissolve the secular in a sea of categorical misconceptions nor to justify any one understanding of the secular. It is important to see, however, that, sociologically speaking, Quṭb’s oeuvre is itself symptomatic of the historical contingency of contentious socio-political struggles emanating from the postcolonial moment in the Arab-Muslim world. It is important to see as well how Quṭb tried to craft the blueprints of an Islamic umma à venir in lieu of Nasser’s “secular” nation-state.

Quṭb’s writings thus show the way these constructed Western categories of the “secular” and the “religious” are rhetorically translated in a strongly reactionary discourse. The fact that Quṭb seems to have had an understanding of these Western categories, even as he dresses them in uniquely Islamic religious language, is testament both to the hegemonic authority of the Western conception of secularism and to its cultural limitation. While Quṭb’s usage of jahiliyya and hakimiyya shows the way in which the conception of the secular leads to a reification of “the religious” or “the sacred,” his writings tell a different story about the role of religion in Egyptian society from what one would understand by reading Asad’s account of Egyptian court history alone. Asad’s account concretizes and hypostatizes his very thinking on the secular, while paying less attention to the imperial nature of this institutionalization and the power relations involved in it. Asad’s example is quite compelling and addresses a revolutionary change in legal reforms in Egypt. Yet while this account provides one narrative of institutional-level religious change in Egyptian history, it excludes other ways in which religion and secularism were configured.

Quṭb’s writing is at once symptomatic and constitutive of a powerful resistance to the type of change that Asad’s study of the court system describes. The institutional perspective is only one part of the political sphere, especially in a divided environment like colonial (not to mention postcolonial) Egypt. […] Asad concludes his book with the assertion that to consider the importation of European legal codes in nineteenth-century Egypt straightforwardly as an aspect of Europeanization or secularization would have been simplistic. He further contends that what happened in Egypt in the late nineteenth century served the important purpose of delinking the authority of law from religion. Asad emphasizes that Egyptian secularists and Islamists agree that a certain set of the Muslim population is still immersed in cultural practices that are more Pharaonic or Coptic than Islamic. Both Islamists and secularists, ironically, agree that there is a fundamental need to educate people out of ignorance and superstition, “an obstacle to becoming truly modern.”[1] As we have argued, however, Islamists in Egypt do not agree—as Asad seems to suggest—that “becoming truly modern” is an appropriate goal for the Egyptian public. In fact, if anything, it is the “truly modern” that is bifurcating and problematic.

In the end, the strength of Asad’s argument lies in the way in which it theorizes formations and articulations of the secular together within the same process. But this is the point where attention to the public sphere makes for a more compelling understanding of secularism in its wider social context. The secular is a fleeting signifier, a portmanteau concept whose value (ethical or not) fluctuates according to dominant epistemologies. It is therefore crucial for any argument on secularism not to rely on a circumstantial importation of a legal code to a colonized country, as much as it should not assume a unified public, which could easily be dissolved throughout periods of hegemonic control of power and culture. The emergence in Egypt of a new bourgeois, educated public following the establishment in 1908 of what would become Cairo University led to a number of heated confrontations between lay and religious education in Egypt, one that continues to flare up at the slightest provocation. The assumed antithesis between divine knowledge and human knowledge, so to speak, materialized in the acrimonious faceoff between the Egyptian thinker Taha Husayn and al-Azhar in the second decade of the twentieth century. The conflict also resulted in the formations of Islamist as well as non-Islamist subgroups and political parties that eventually assumed their autonomy. Some died out, like al-Haraka al-Dimuqratiyya li’l-Tahrir al-Watani, while others, like the Wafd party, survived. Since the late 1920s, Islamist subgroups began to flourish and attract public attention. The Muslim Brotherhood, al-Tabligh wa’l-Da‘wa, al-Jama‘a al-Islamiyya, Salafi circles, and even Naqshbandi orders are some such groups. This is why an understanding of secularism in modern Egypt will always be confronted with an elusive and multivariate public.

Notes
[1] Talal Asad, “Reconfigurations of Law and Ethics in Colonial Egypt,” in Formations of the Secular (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003), 253-254.

[Excerpted from Locating the Secular in Sayyid Quṭb” by Mohammad Salama and Rachel Friedman, by permission of the authors; published in Arab Studies Journal Vol. XX No. 1 (Spring 2012). For more information on this issue of the journal, or to subscribe to Arab Studies Journal, please click here.]

New Texts Out Now: Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education

Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Betty S. Anderson (BSA): I always joke that I conceived the project in the pool of the Carlton Hotel in Beirut. In June 2000, I visited Beirut for the first time so I could attend an Arab American University Graduate (AAUG) conference. One day, I walked with some friends all along the Corniche and up through the American University of Beirut (AUB) campus and then back to the hotel. Since it was late June and ridiculously hot, the only option at that point was to jump in the pool as quickly as possible. Two minutes in the pool and the thought occurred to me that my next research project was going to have to be about Beirut in some way. I had fallen in love with the city in just that one day. A half second later, I thought, I should write a history of AUB.

Besides the fact that I wanted to get back to Beirut as soon as possible, I wanted to know why AUB had been so influential in politicizing its students. At the time, I was doing additional research for my book on Jordan (Nationalist Voices in Jordan: The Street and the State) and a number of the political activists I studied had attended AUB. Their memoirs were filled with explanations and stories about how important those four years were for the development of their political identities. However, I had no idea as I floated in the pool that day that I’d have to do extensive research on Protestant missionaries and education long before I could even get to those Arab nationalists. At the time, I really knew relatively little about the school’s history.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does it address?

BSA: When I finally got back to Beirut in 2004, it was research on the educational systems offered at the Syrian Protestant College and AUB that eventually ended up directing my thesis. I was struck initially by the goals the American founders and their successors set for the school. They talked more about the transformative process they wanted the students to undertake than the course options they were offering. For example, Daniel Bliss (1866-1902) preached about producing Protestants who understood not only the liturgy but the lifestyle required of one converting to this faith; Bayard Dodge (1923-1948) exhorted students to follow the model of the modern American man as they sought to develop new characters for themselves. The former presided over a missionary educational system, the latter the new liberal education system then being formulated back in America. The first half of the book discusses this shift as the American University of Beirut was renamed in 1920.

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[Main gate of AUB campus. Photo by Betty S. Anderson.]

Liberal education, as American educators developed it in the second half of the nineteenth century, asks its students to be active participants in their educational experience. Before this point, professors taught their students a fixed body of knowledge; students were required to memorize and recite the data to prove that they had learned it. In liberal education, the system asks that professors teach students how to think and analyze so they can produce data on their own.

The second half of the book examines how the students reacted to this shifting pedagogical focus. The American leaders of the school repeatedly stated their goals for the students, and most books and articles on AUB focus on only those voices. However, that stance leaves out an important element of the AUB story, because only the students can truly determine whether the programs are effective. AUB is famous for the many student protests that have taken place on campus, starting with the Darwin Affair of 1882, leading to the Muslim Controversy of 1909, and then on to the large protests of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. As I discovered when I delved into the archives, students used dozens of newspapers to explain why they were protesting. The catalyst was always a particular event, on campus or off, but the students always framed their arguments around the freedom they felt the liberal education system promised. They fought against any administrative attempts to curtail their actions and frequently accused the administration of not following the guidelines set by American liberal education. This issue became increasingly contentious as students worked to define an Arab nationalism that called on them to be politically active while on campus. The administration continually opposed this position, and many of the student-administrative conflicts centered on the differing definitions of freedom put forward on campus. I put “Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education” in the subtitle of the book because by the twentieth century, these were the two dominant elements defining the relationship between the students and the administration.

J: How does this work connect to and/or depart from your previous research and writing?

BSA: Most of my work has centered on education in one form or another. In my book on Jordan, I wrote of the politicizing role high schools in Jordan and Palestine, as well as schools like AUB, played in mobilizing a national opposition movement in the 1950s. I have published a number of articles analyzing the narratives the Jordanian and Lebanese states present to their students in history and Islamic textbooks. Moving on to a comprehensive study of one particularly influential school was a natural progression. The difference was that I now had to study American education in the same way I had previously examined the influence of education in the Middle East.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

BSA: I hope AUB alumni want to read the book and, equally, that they find something of their story in it. I did not want to cite just the Americans who founded and ran the school; I purposely wanted to write about the students themselves. Typical university histories leave out the words and actions of the students in favor of hagiographies about the founders and their famous successors. I also hope that scholars and students interested in studies of education and nationalism will be interested. This is a book that addresses both Middle Eastern and American studies.

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[Assembly Hall and College Hall, AUB Campus. Photos by Betty S. Anderson.]

J: What other projects are you working on now?

BSA:
I have a contract with Stanford University Press to publish a book called State and Society in the Modern Middle East. Like with anyone who undertakes to write a textbook, I am frustrated with those that are currently available. Textbooks of the modern Middle East typically focus just on state formation, the actions of the chief politicians, and the political interplay between states. My text focuses instead on the relationship between state and society as it developed over the last two hundred years. The states in the region centralized in the nineteenth century, faced colonialism in the early twentieth century, and then independence after World War II; these stages created new roles for state leaders. Civil society, in the broadest definition of the term, emerged from the eighteenth century forward as people sought new ways to organize within and against the states now intruding on their lives. They took advantage of the new institutions the states built to establish for themselves new class, national, and gender definitions, while frequently opposing the states that had introduced these very institutions. My text examines how schools, government offices, newspapers, political parties, and women’s groups constantly negotiated new relationships with their respective states.

Excerpt from The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education

From Chapter One:

"The great value of education does not consist in the accepting this and that to be true but it consists in proving this and that to be true," declared Daniel Bliss, founder of Syrian Protestant College (SPC; 1866–1920) and its president from 1866 to 1902, in his farewell address. President Howard Bliss (president, 1902–1920) said in his baccalaureate sermon in 1911, "In a word, the purpose of the College is not to produce singly or chiefly men who are doctors, men who are pharmacists, men who are merchants, men who are preachers, teachers, lawyers, editors, statesmen; but it is the purpose of the College to produce doctors who are men, pharmacists who are men, merchants who are men, preachers, teachers, lawyers, editors, statesmen who are men." Bayard Dodge (1923–1948) stated at his inauguration as president of the newly renamed American University of Beirut (AUB; 1920– ), "We do not attempt to force a student to absorb a definite quantity of knowledge, but we strive to teach him how to study. We do not pretend to give a complete course of instruction in four or five years, but rather to encourage the habit of study, as a foundation for an education as long as life itself." The successors to these men picked up the same themes when they elaborated on the school`s goals over the years; most recently, in May 2009, President Peter Dorman discussed his vision of AUB’s role. "AUB thrives today in much different form than our missionary founders would have envisioned, but nonetheless—after all this time—it remains dedicated to the same ideal of producing enlightened and visionary leaders."

In dozens of publications, SPC and AUB students have also asserted a vision of the transformative role the school should have on their lives. The longest surviving Arab society on campus, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa, published a magazine of the same name during most academic years between 1923 and 1954 and as of 1936 stated as its editorial policy the belief that "the magazine`s writing is synonymous with the Arab student struggle in the university." From that point forward, the editors frequently listed the society`s Arab nationalist goals. In the fall 1950 edition, for example, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa`s Committee on Broadcasting and Publications issued a statement identifying the achievement of Arab unity as the most important goal because "it is impossible to separate the history, literature and scientific inheritance of the Arabs" since "the Arab essence is unity." Toward this end, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa pledged to accelerate the "growth of the true nationalist spirit" among the students affiliated with the organization. In describing education as an activist pursuit, the statement declares, "To achieve political ideas which are aimed at our nationalism it is necessary for we as students to seek information by many different means." In this call, the AUB Arab students must take on the task of studying the Arab heritage as thoroughly and frankly as possible so that when they graduate they can move into society with solutions to the many problems plaguing the Arab world.

Since the school`s founding in 1866, its campus has stood at a vital intersection between a rapidly changing American missionary and educational project to the Middle East and a dynamic quest for Arab national identity and empowerment. As the presidential quotes indicate, the Syrian Protestant College and the American University of Beirut imported American educational systems championing character building as their foremost goal. Proponents of these programs hewed to the belief that American educational systems were the perfect tools for encouraging students to reform themselves and improve their societies; the programs do not merely supply professional skills but educate the whole person. As the quotes from al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa attest, Arab society pressured the students to change as well. The Arab nahda, or awakening, of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries called on students to take pride in their Arab past and to work to recreate themselves as modern leaders of their society; the Arab nationalist movement of the twentieth century asked that students take a lead in fighting for Arab independence from foreign control. The students streaming through the Main Gate year after year used both of these American and Arab elements to help make the school not only an American institution but also one of the Arab world and of Beirut, as the very name, the American University of Beirut, indicates. This process saw long periods of accommodation between the American-led administration and the Arab students, but just as many eras when conflict raged over the nature of authority each should wield on campus; the changing relationship between the administration and the students serves as the cornerstone of this book, for it is here where much of the educational history of SPC and AUB has been written.

From Chapter Five:

The 1952 April Fool’s Day issue of Outlook (called Lookout on that day) satirized the proliferation of student protests that had dominated campus life for the previous few years. In the paper’s lead article, the author declared, “A School of Revolutionary Government, designed to equip AUB students with a wide knowledge of modern techniques of conspiracy and revolution, is to be opened during the fall semester, a communique from the President’s Office announced late Friday.” Continuing the same theme, the article reports, “All courses will include a minimum of three lab hours to be spent in street battles with gendarmes and similar applications of theories learned in classrooms.” President Stephen Penrose (1948-1954), the article stated, gave a Friday morning chapel talk on the new school motto: “That they may have strife and have it more abundantly.” In a further announcement, the paper described the day’s protest.

There will be a demonstration this afternoon at three in front of the Medical Gate to object against everything[.] All those interested please report there promptly five [minutes] before time. The demonstration promises to be very exciting—tear gas will be used, and the slogans are simply delightful. If all goes well, police interference is expected. If not to join, come and watch.

This, of course, had not been the first era of student protest; the difference by the 1950s was the widespread and sustained nature of the conflict between the administration and the students. When Lookout published its satirical articles in 1952, students had been organizing demonstrations in support of Palestinians and Moroccans, and against any and all things imperialist, since 1947; these events only petered out in 1955 as the administration banned the two main groups organizing them, the Student Council and the Arab society, al-cUrwa al-Wuthqa. Students engaged in these exercises explicitly as Arabs, proud of their past, and striving toward cultural, political and economic unity in the future. In their actions, students sought to integrate their educational experiences at AUB with the real-life events taking place outside the Main Gate, for only then did they feel they could be trained to function as the vanguard initiating the necessary changes in their society.

[Excerpted from Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education. © 2011 by The University of Texas Press. Excerpted by permission of the author. For more information, or to order the book, click here.]