The Meaning of 'Syrian Opposition Figures Urge Peaceful Change' Story from Reuters

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The Meaning of "Syrian Opposition Figures Urge Peaceful Change" Story from Reuters

By : Bassam Haddad

This (report from Reuters here and below) is not an insignificant call from the traditionally vociferous leadership of the opposition, including those who were imprisoned for years after the botched "Damascus Spring" after 2001. The likes of Michel Kilo and `Arif Dalila were among the most outspoken critics for years. I watched Dalila make public condemnations of the regime`s corruption in public panels on Syria`s political economy in 1998, 1999, and 2000, when Hafiz al-Asad was president. He was sentenced to 10 years in prison after 2001, but release recently because of his poor health. Kilo received a shorter sentence later and was released for similar reasons.

Dalila continued to speak out since he was released. For them to affirm such a declaration calling for "non-violent democratic change" is surely not an affirmation of the regime`s legitimacy. Rather, it addresses the complex Syrian situation, locally and regionally, and mainly intended to avoid potential sectarian strife from which a post-Asad Syria might not be saved.

The extent to which this call will be consequential on its own remains to be seen. Unless coupled with deeper connections with some of the emerging protest leaders and with quick and concrete moves on part of the top regime leadership in the next 48 hours, all such calls will fall on deaf ears. If the regime is falsely emboldened into inaction by the relative calm that Monday (today) witnessed, we will see a quick and remarkable return of protests. Even if the regime follows through, a momentum for protest has been set in motion and can easily spin into a spontaneous wide-scale movement if protesters continue to be shot at indiscriminately.

Bashar, and the Syrian regime, have an opportunity to roll back the instability, but only if the regime is willing finally to make fundamental and concrete changes that involve some risk. The days of getting away with risk-averse reforms in the long run are gone forever in Syria after 41 years of success.

 

 


 

Syrian opposition figures urge peaceful change

5:41pm EDT

AMMAN (Reuters) - Leading Syrian opposition figures issued a declaration on Monday denouncing sectarianism and committing to non-violent democratic change in the wake of disturbances in the port city of Latakia.

President Bashar al-Assad dispatched troops to Latakia late on Saturday in a sign of doubt about the ability of security police to maintain order there. Latakia`s population is a potentially explosive cocktail of Sunni Muslims, Christian and Alawites, who constitute Assad`s core support.

The Latakia violence, coinciding with a spread of unprecedented pro-democracy unrest in Syria, killed at least four people, according to opposition activists. Syrian authorities said attacks by "armed elements on the families and districts of Latakia" resulted in 10 deaths.

Latakia has calmed but the bloodshed has raised the spectre that the unrest that originated in the mostly Sunni south of Syria, could take on sectarian overtones. Syrian officials have described the protests against 48 years of Baath party rule as a "conspiracy" and a "project to sow sectarian strife."

"The diversity of Syria must be respected. The Syrian people, as a whole, are under repression," said the declaration signed by Sunnis, minority Alawites and Christians with a history of struggle against the Baath monopoly on power.

"The signatories pledge to work toward building a national democratic state where everyone is treated equally regardless of their allegiances, without discrimination against any sect."

The statement was issued in Damascus and emailed to Reuters abroad.

Signatories included Syrian writer Michel Kilo; Ahmad Tumeh, a notable from the agricultural region of Raqqa; leading economist Aref Dalila; prominent journalist Fayez Sara; and Fawaz Tello, who was jailed from 2001 to 2006 for his role in what became known as the Damascus Spring.

That earlier movement for political freedoms was put down by Assad a year after he succeeded his father, the late Hafez al-Assad, who died in 2000.

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412