Art for Change at the Square for Change in Yemen

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Art for Change at the Square for Change in Yemen

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[This post was sent to Jadaliyya by Woman from Yemen.]

Walking through the old city in Sana`a there is no doubt that art is alive and is a part of our culture. Architectural beauty is not only appreciated but expected as well. The Revolution has revealed many hidden talents. "We have talent, but the Revolution gave us the opportunity to express them" said Khallad al-Faqih, member of al-Fajr Youth Coalition. Artists have used these talents to promote principles of the Revolution and provide inspiration and entertainment for protesters.

Many artists viewed Yemen as a "grave for talent" because society does not necessarily encourage artistic expression and some even look down upon it. There are very few art school, and in the university of the capital Sana`a, there is no art department. Artists hope that after the Revolution, there will be a stronger appreciation for the arts in Yemen. As their role at the squares increases, so does the threat against them by security. Artists have sometimes been prevented by security from bringing in their equipment to the square and sometimes their belongings have been confiscated.

This is a short intro to revolutionary art found at the square. This list of talented individuals gives hope that art is not dead and may flourish in the new Yemen.

Music: Traditional `oud artist Ahmed al-Qubaty, rapper Ghamdan Ali and guitarist Ahmed Asery are using very different musical styles to express revolutionary desires. They sing about social inequality, injustice, and hope for the future. Last night, artist Wissam Ahmed al-Qubaty, was chewing qat and entertaining his colleagues at the tent with the beautiful sound of `oud. Friends around him admired the sounds, and one remarked “I wish I could play Oud too.”

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[Left: `Oud artist Wissam al-Qubaty. Right: Guitarist Ahmed Asery (Photo by Arwa Othman).]

Theater: Al-Watan for All Movement [حركة الوطن للجميع] coalition organized a play at the square entitled “Enough Injustice” in collaboration with actors and singers from the group Youth for the Future [شباب من أجل المستقبل]. This group is dedicated to using artistic expression for awareness raising. The play was well received as they could easily relate to it. Theater and visual art may be the best form of awareness raising in a society with very high illiteracy rates.

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Poetry: We Yemenis love poetry. It is in everything we do including this Revolution. Poetry`s role had began to decrease, but with the Revolution there is a sense of revival. I began to pay attention to this after a French journalist, Ségolène Samouiller, asked me about the role of poetry in the Revolution.

On stage on a daily basis, at least one person has a poetry reading or recital. Sometimes it is their own poem, sometimes not. Poetry found at the square includes classical Arabic and popular poems. Audiences always interacts well with poetry.

One group at the square called the Coalition of Talented Yemenis (for literature, art, and culture) [rabitat al-mubdi`in al-yamaniyyin (lil-thaqafah wa-al-funun wa-al-adab)] uses art to advocate for rights, principles of the revolution, and artistic expression. They work on promoting poetry by conducting many activities, including training young poets on perfecting language and the power of recital. They have also collected revolutionary poetry in a comprehensive book that they hope to publish soon, once they have gathered enough funding.

In addition, many of the newspapers published at the square dedicate a section for poetry giving a chance for anyone to participate and submit their poems.

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Painting: Painters are also taking their place at the square. Youth for Freedom and Justice Movement [حركة شباب من أجل الحرية والعدالة] has a studio-tent as a space for artists and art lovers to participate in expressing their emotions through painting. Art teachers are sometimes present to offer feedback and help young artists. Through their paintings they hope that people will express their inner feelings, and also use this space as a forum for awareness raising. "Art plays an important role in awareness . . . The number of people that come to our studio is a positive indicator of the civic state we hope for in the future," said Hazbar al-Maqtary, member of the group. So far, there have been at least three visual art exhibits at the square.

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The power of visual art is the reason political cartoonists are publishing their cartoons in the various square newspapers and online. Assim Al-Madwaly is a young poet and cartoonist who believes that images have the power to change minds. Kamal Sharaf, another political cartoonist, was previously imprisoned for his cartoons but today continues to draw.

The paint brush was an important factor in encouraging one youth group to conduct a workshop for children of martyrs. A day for them to draw and express their emotions as a form of art therapy.

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[Children of martyrs draw their stories.]

Photography & Film: Yemeni Photographers such as Arwa Othman and Abdulrahman Jaber; and film makers such as Sara Ishaq have had the courage to be at the forefront to document the revolution and inspire others with their artistic expression. Their photographs and short clips have allowed the world to see what is happening in Yemen through Yemeni eyes.

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[Filmmaker Sara Ishaq in action. Photo by Benjamin Wiacek.]

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412