Promises and Challenges: The Tunisian Revolution of 2010-2011

[Image from NLG report.] [Image from NLG report.]

Promises and Challenges: The Tunisian Revolution of 2010-2011

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[Below is the latest from the National Lawyers Guild (NLG) on Tunisia.]

Promises and Challenges: The Tunisian Revolution of 2010-2011

The Report of the March 2011 Delegation of Attorneys to Tunisia from National Lawyers Guild (US), Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers (UK), and Mazlumder (Turkey).

PART I: Preface

A. Introduction

Had you stood on any street corner in the U.S. before December 2010 and asked passersby what they knew about Tunisia, you`d likely have been met with blank stares. In Europe you would have fared a bit better; Europeans knew it as a tourist destination, but most knew as little about the nation`s political system as Americans. No longer. In December 2010 and January 2011, our television screens were filled with images of Tunisian men and women, young and old ‐ but mostly young ‐ demanding that the dictator, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, as well as his family and political cronies, "Degage!," French for "Go away!" And on 14 January, Ben Ali in fact fled to Saudi Arabia, his flight the culmination of a remarkable, non‐violent revolution.

Between 12 March and 19 March, 2011, at the invitation of the National Bar Association of Tunisia, a group of 13 lawyers and academics came to Tunisia to investigate US and European complicity in human rights abuses committed by the Ben Ali regime. The Delegation was comprised of members of the National Lawyers Guild (US), the Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers (UK) and Mazlumder ‐ The Association of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed People (Turkey). It also included academics from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London and Queen Mary College, University of London, and a Tunisian‐born British attorney who had been unable to return to his homeland for 20 years. Profiles of the Delegation members are attached as Appendix 1 to this report.

B. Methodology

Understanding that we would be in Tunisia for only a week, the Delegation was focused on meeting with as broad a spectrum as possible of those who had participated in the Tunisian revolution. We did background research on the political and economic situation in Tunisia before arriving. We had discussions with organizations outside of Tunisia who had been involved in supporting various segments of civil society during the Ben Ali regime such as the Solidarity Center, an organization affiliated with the US AFL‐CIO that is funded in part through the US State Department and which had worked with the Tunisian trade union federation (the UGTT). Before arriving, we also met with members of the Tunisian Solidarity Campaign (London). We involved academics in our preparation, and upon arrival in Tunisia, attended an orientation meeting with a professor of sociology, a journalist, and a former political prisoner, all who gave us an overview of the situation in Tunisia both pre‐ and post‐revolution. Our meetings with Tunisians are discussed below. Most were arranged by our hosts, the Tunisian Bar Association, which we wish to thank for their help and hospitality. Meetings with government officials (such as the Prime Minister, the Minister of Justice, etc.) were generally the most formal ‐ and least productive ‐ of our meetings. We met with various nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), labour leaders, as well as leaders of the Communist Party and al‐Nahda (Nahda), the large Islamist2 party, both of which had formerly been banned. We had several wrenching meetings with former political prisoners and torture victims of the Ben Ali regime along with some of their family members. One of our meetings was with a Tunisian victim who had been detained in Guantanamo for over five years, only to be returned to Tunisia and imprisoned by Tunisian authorities until the revolution. We also met with Tunisian lawyers and a former judge who were involved with prisoner and torture matters. The American delegates met with an official of the US Embassy. The British delegates also requested a meeting with the British Embassy; on 16 March the Vice President of the Haldane Society transmitted a formal request, and further emails were sent on 16 and 17 March and 7 April. At the time of preparation of this report the British Embassy had not responded to these requests. Finally, we met with some of the young people who were so instrumental in this revolution by using social media such as Facebook, blogs, and Twitter. One significant omission was not meeting with student organizations.

Finally, we had many unplanned and informal encounters. Demonstrations were everywhere, addressing a broad spectrum of issues from protesting the low wages of civil servants to Secretary of State Clinton`s visit to Tunisia (which occurred while we were there) to the situation in Libya. Some of our most interesting discussions were held with demonstrators, some of whom showed us US‐made tear gas canisters which had recently been used against protesters. Also, for example, we had lengthy exchanges with students and others who approached us during and after our concluding press conference that was held in the public promenade in front of our hotel

As a result of these meetings we received a large number of diverse perspectives on the situation in Tunisia. There were, of course, many groups that we did not have time to meet with. Nor did we meet with anyone who identified him/herself as a member or supporter of the old regime.

[Click here to download the full NLG report.]

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412