A Note on the Palestinian Diplomatic Initiative at the United Nations (UN)

[Emblem of Palestine Liberation Organization] [Emblem of Palestine Liberation Organization]

A Note on the Palestinian Diplomatic Initiative at the United Nations (UN)

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was issued by a group of Palestinians on August 29, 2011.]

A note on the Palestinian diplomatic initiative at the United Nations (UN)
 
Your excellences,
The chairman and members of the executive committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)
Leaders of Palestinian political parties and factions
Leaders of Palestinian trade unions and NGOs
 
 
Emphasizing the importance of the Palestinian diplomatic initiative at the UN, and in order for it to succeed in shaping a strategic turn and a new political and resistance path in light of the impasse bilateral negotiations have reached, and based on  achieving national reconciliation, and the rehabilitation of national representation within the framework of the PLO, this initiative must be linked to the transfer of the Palestinian issue in all its dimensions and aspects to the UN, in a way that ensures preserving national rights, including those contained in UN resolutions since the beginning of the conflict until now, at the forefront of which are UN resolutions 181 and 194, with the need for the UN to assume it’s responsibilities under its charter. This initiative must renew the emphasis on:
 

  1. Reaffirm that Palestinians are a people with fundamental national and human rights, foremost amongst them the right of return of the refugees to their homes and properties from which they were forcibly displaced and uprooted, the right to self-determination, including the right to national independence and sovereignty. These rights are recognized by the United Nations as inalienable rights held by the Palestinian people, based on UNGA resolution 194, 11 December 1948; and UNGA resolution 3237 (XXIX), 22 November 1974.  The right to self-determination is a collective right of all Palestinians, irrespective of their geographic location.
  2. The PLO is the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and its legitimacy derives from the people in exile and the homeland. The PLO is recognized as the representative of the Palestinian people by the League of Arab States and United Nations, based on UNGA Resolution 3236 (XXIX), 22 November 1974.
  3. In its role as the legitimate representative, the PLO is responsible to protect and advance the human rights of the Palestinian people, foremost the inalienable rights to return as an individual and collective right, and self-determination as a collective right for Palestinians wherever they are.
  4. All diplomatic initiatives, including the initiative at the United Nations this September, must preserve the status of the PLO as the sole representative in the United Nations and protect and advance the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
  5. Based on the above, the Palestinian leadership, on the level of the PLO and the parties bear the historic responsibility of taking all needed steps and policies to ensure that the PLO remains the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people wherever they are, and to preserve it in the UN in September and after, and to commit to transparency and the right of the Palestinian public to view all the political steps and decisions that are related to its future, including the content of any draft resolutions related to Palestinian diplomatic initiatives at the UN.
     

 

Endorsed by:

Mohammed Abu Dakka - Hani al-Masri - Jamil Hilal - Talal Al-Sharif - Shawan Jabarin - Karma Nabulsi - Mohammed Abu Mahadi - Khalil Abu Shamala - Hind Awwad -Oraib Rantawi - Mamdouh Aker - Walid Allouh – Munib Masri -Mohsen Abu Ramadan - Mohammed Maqadma – Mouin Rabbani - Muhammad Hijazi - Yusri Darwish - Khalil Shaheen - Gaza - Khalil Shaheen - Ramallah - Ibrahim Abrash - Omar Shweiki - Abdul Razzaq Al-Takriti - Bassam Darwish - Talal Okal - Nadia Hijab - Tayseer Muheisen - Hani Habib - Noura Erekat - Nasser Abu Atta- Akram Al-Ajaleh- Ziyaad Abu Shawish - Camille Mansour - Mohammed Arouqi - Sami Abu Sultan - Sami Abu Salem - Rajab Abu Sireyeh - Mamoun Sweidan - Muhammad Dahman - Zakaria Muhammad - Akram Atallah - Bashir Bashir - Lama Abu Odeh - Maged Kayali -Samira Al-Natour - Ali Abu Shahla - Saad Abdul-Hadi -  Faiha Abdul- Hadi – Hasan  Jabareen - Hafez Omar - Ismat Quzmar -Antoine Shalhat - Awad Abdel Fattah - Ismat Quzmar - Ibrahim Shikaki - Ahmed Yacoub - Issam Younis - Akram Salhab - Anas Abu Oun – Salah Abdul-Ati – Taisir Nasrallah – Ziyad Khaddash – Zeinab Al-Ghonaimi – Issam Al-Yamani, Ismail Al-Zabri, Haitham Al-Azabri – Nadim Ruhana – Hazim Abu-Hilal – Samia Bamia – Mazin Al-Masri – Rima Tarazi – Mustafa Ibrahim – Rami Saigh – Saed Abu-Hijla – Bisan Ramadan – Nadia Abu-Nahla – Abdullah Al-Najjar – Mohammad Masoud.

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412