Yes ... We Do Want the Downfall of the State of Tyranny, Poverty and Dependency

[Logo of Revolutionary Socialists of Egypt.] [Logo of Revolutionary Socialists of Egypt.]

Yes ... We Do Want the Downfall of the State of Tyranny, Poverty and Dependency

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was issued on 21 December 2011 by the Revolutionary Socialists in Egypt.]

Yes … we do want the downfall of the state of tyranny, poverty and dependency

Accusations are being levelled at the Revolutionary Socialists by certain quarters, at the head of them the Ministry of the Interior’s website, and a number of satellite channels showed a clip from a video of a meeting which the Centre for Socialist Studies organised recently in the wake of the massacre on Mohammed Mahmoud Street with the title “What is the road to revolution?”. In the meeting, colleagues Kamal Khalil, Hossam el Hamalawy and Sameh Naguib spoke, and the clip showed a section of the meeting where Sameh Naguib talked about how the revolutionaries want the downfall of the state to build a new revolutionary state, and that the military council does not protect the interests of the Egyptian people but instead protects the interests of the 1000 richest families in Egypt, the interests of the Pentagon, the US government and the Zionists, in order to raise a storm against us that we are in favour of overthrowing the state.

Our reply is that it is no indictment to say that we want the downfall of the oppressive state and the creation of a just state: it is the goal we are fighting for.

As Umm Kulthum sang, and millions sang with her sixty years ago, “The oppressive state is erased – by my own hand”. It remains our dream to eradicate the corrupt state which has spread like a cancer through the body of Egypt.

Yes, we are seeking to overthrow the state of tyranny and poverty that has ruled us for the last 30 years, and continues to rule us today, the state that has killed thousands of fighters in its prisons, the state which has looted and stolen from the poor to increase the wealth of the rich.

This is the state which backs the bosses in their confrontations with workers. This is the state which refuses to take back the companies it sold off cheaply even though the courts ruled in favour of the workers’ campaign to return them to public ownership – demonstrating that for this state the power of  capital is more important that the authority of the judiciary.

This is the state which allows the capitalists to sack and starve workers, peasants and the poor in their thousands, but then issues laws making their protests a crime.

This is the state which discriminates between its citizens on the basis of religion, gender and race. It is the racist state which slaughtered Sudanese refugees in 2005, sexually assaulted women in 2006 and 2011. It is the sectarian state which conspired to burn churches and persecuted poor Coptic Christians and finally murdered 24 of them in October this year. This is the state which deceives the people through its media. It demands austerity and calls on the people to tighten their belts and to keep the “wheel of production” turning, while at the same time announcing palaces and resorts to secure the future of “our children”.

 

Yes, we want to overthrow the state. We want the downfall of its health policies which have made health and medical treatment commodities to be bought and sold by those who can afford to pay, while the poor die in their hundreds because the public hospitals have been ruined. We want to overthrow its education policies which teach lies and distortions to our children in classrooms which are collapsing over their heads because there is no money for building schools, so that pupils can barely speak Arabic by the time they leave education. We want the downfall of the Ministry of the Interior, its minister and criminal officers who killed our more of our sons and daughters than have died in natural disasters. We want to overthrow the policies of systematic impoverishment which have pushed over half our people below the poverty line. And the list goes on...

This oppressive state is protected by an army under the leadership of Mubarak’s military council. So that is why we want to end this military junta’s rule, which in less than a year has stolen the lives of more Egyptians than Mubarak managed to during his thirty years in power.

Yes, we want to put the corrupt leaders of the army on trial. For twenty years under Mubarak more than 30 percent of the economy came under their completely unmonitored control in the form of factories, hotels, housing projects, farms, arms deals and other parts of the state budget, taxes and the subsidies we provide them through the forced labour of our young men on these kind of projects during military service without any protection for their rights. These are the leaders of the army who opened fire on us, and imprisoned thousands of our free young people after unjust military trials.

We believe that sooner or later this army will produce patriotic leaders who will join the ranks of the revolutionaries, as has happened in all revolutions across the course of history.

Yes, we want to overthrow this regime and its state, together with its corrupt men, its opportunistic allies and its military council which rules the country at the behest of the deposed president. We swear to continue the struggle with the revolutionaries in the Tahrir Squares across the country despite smear campaigns and intimidation, until it falls and the people seize the power and wealth which is theirs by right ... until the victory of the revolution which the people ignited.

Yes, the people still demand the fall of the regime and its corrupt and tyrannical state. Glory to the martyrs ... Victory to the revolution ... Power and wealth to the people!

The Revolutionary Socialists
21 December 2011

 

 

 

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412