The Academic Boycott on Campus: Breaking New Ground, Gaining Momentum

[PACBI logo. Image from pacbi.org] [PACBI logo. Image from pacbi.org]

The Academic Boycott on Campus: Breaking New Ground, Gaining Momentum

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was issued by the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) on 3 February 2012.] 

In an open letter dated 21 October 2011, Palestinian students wrote to their counterparts across the world, “We hope you put Boycotts, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) at the forefront of your campaigns and join together for Israeli Apartheid Week: the pinnacle of action across universities worldwide.” [1] The 8th Annual Israeli Apartheid Week (IAW) constitutes a direct response to this call, at a crucial moment when youth are taking to the streets to combat dictatorships and an international economic crisis marked by record levels of youth unemployment. [2] In our joint struggle for freedom, justice, and equality in a framework of economic and social justice, we at the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) look forward to yet another inspiring IAW. We take this opportunity to salute the dynamism and creativity of a new generation of BDS advocates on campuses and to thank those who have supported our call for the cultural and academic boycott of Israel from the start.

In cooperation with our allies internationally, PACBI members will be supporting various IAW 2012 activities wherever possible. We see IAW, which has spread dramatically over the past years to include events in over one hundred cities, as a clear sign of the growing momentum of the BDS movement globally and on university campuses specifically. Not only do IAW events educate about Israel’s multi-tiered system of colonialism, occupation, and apartheid, they importantly help to build long-term, strategic BDS campaigns on campuses, enhance cross-movement alliances, and broaden the appeal of BDS.

As the call for the academic and cultural boycott of Israel was initiated by an overwhelming majority in Palestinian civil society in 2005, across the geographic fragmentation imposed on our people, it is no surprise that a renewed activism among Palestinian youth is specifically targeting those who advocate and participate in normalization initiatives that undermine our collective struggle for self-determination. [3] Such normalization initiatives posit an equal relationship between an indigenous population and a settler-colonial regimeattempting to understand the issue as a dispute and misunderstanding that can be resolved through dialogue rather than an anti-colonial, anti-racist struggle for asserting internationally recognized rights.

Palestinian civil society, by launching the call for BDS, importantly rejects normalization with the Israeli state and its complicit institutions and the whitewashing of its crimes against the entirety of the Palestinian people. To this end, Palestinian youth organizations across the Occupied Territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip have started mobilizing for IAW 2012, which is co-organized by Palestinian and anti-Zionist Jewish student activists in Jaffa, Haifa, Nazareth, and Jerusalem. Events are also being planned in Jordan and Lebanon connecting Palestinian refugee communities to the BDS campaign.

Internationally, we are heartened by the increased coordination and growth of Students for Justice in Palestine on campuses across the United States. Their national conference in October 2011 carefully studied how to implement BDS on campuses, and this year an unprecedented number of US universities will be holding IAW activities. Although an upcoming US national BDS conference at the University of Pennsylvania has come under attack from the usual coterie of Israel lobby voices that continuously move to censor and silence any critical discussion on Palestinian basic rights and international law [4], the conference organizers are on track with their plans and the conference promises to be yet another milestone in coordination and implementation of BDS campaigns. [5]

Across campuses in the UK and the rest of Europe, there is also a deepening of BDS activism, and once more IAW will take place on more campuses than ever before with a coordinated tour of youth speakers from Palestine. Importantly, there has been a direct response to the campaign waged by PACBI, Palestinian Federation of Unions of University Professors and Employees (PFUUPE), Stop the Wall, and the Palestinian Students’ Campaign for the Academic Boycott of Israel (PSCABI)  against the Seventh Framework Programme (FP7), which is “a multi-billion euro European Union research funding scheme that provides funds for universities and companies from different countries to work together on specific research projects.” [6] Students at King’s College (London), in close cooperation with the British Committee for the Universities of Palestine (BRICUP), launched a petition against a joint FP7 research program between their university, the Natural History Museum, and Ahava, an Israeli corporation involved in stealing Palestinian Dead Sea resources and operating inside illegal Israeli colonies in the occupied West Bank. The students gathered signatures and lobbied for support from the UK National Union of Students, which in turn voted to support the campaign adding more pressure on Kings College. 

An important boost to this campaign came in the form of a letter signed by prominent UK academics published in The Independent, a major UK newspaper, and picked up by leading international scientific journals. [7] This strategic combination of public events, petitions, continuous presence and education on campus, as well as coalition building among student groups and faculty, has made this campaign a model for other campuses across Europe to emulate. Also, in an unprecedented move, and due to the consistent efforts of BDS student activists, the UK National Union of Students (NUS) is also taking up the campaign to challenge the presence of Eden Springs and Veolia on campuses. Both companies are complicit in violations of international law. Eden Springs bottles, markets, and distributes water from territory illegally occupied by Israel, and Veolia is helping to build and operate the Jerusalem Light Rail which links illegal settlements in occupied Palestinian territory with Israel.[8] [9]

In Canada, where the first IAW was organized, three campuses have active divestment campaigns putting pressure on their universities to divest from corporations active in supporting Israel’s occupation and ongoing violations of international law. These campaigns employ a variety of tactics and have consistently worked to build broad coalitions, including with unions and faculty on their campuses, as well as use creative actions to explain their targets. 

These successes, however, do not go unchallenged; they encounter concerted and well-funded Zionist propaganda, smearing, and bullying operations that cynically attempt to buy off students. A good example of this is the campaign by the National Union of Israeli Students (NUIS) to pay Israeli college students $2000 each to spread positive propaganda about Israel on social networking sites. [10]

This can only indicate the sad state of affairs for Israel when students must be bribed into taking the time to spread whitewashing messages about its actions. In contrast, BDS student and faculty activists put in long hours of volunteer organizing out of their conviction of the justice of the Palestinian struggle for freedom and equality. Israel’s propaganda efforts on campuses also include the use of all-expenses paid trips to Israel that many student leaders (especially those elected to positions within student unions) are enticed with. Palestinian student and youth organizations recently condemned such a trip in an open letter to UK Labour Party student officers who went on a tour of Israel. [11]

Underlying such efforts to whitewash Israel’s crimes and violations of international law is often a nod towards “meeting with both sides” and “dialogue” to undercut BDS activism. However, as PACBI has consistently stated: “Dialogue,” “healing,” and “reconciliation” processes that do not aim to end injustice and oppression regardless of the intentions behind them. They serve to perpetuate oppressive co-existence at the cost of “co-resistance” for they presume the possibility of coexistence before the realization of justice. [12]

Overall, it is clear that the academic and cultural boycott and the BDS movement, more generally, are breaking new ground and gaining momentum on campuses worldwide, despite all cynical attempts at silencing and censorship. Israeli Apartheid Week’s reach and the well-planned BDS campaigns being initiated daily are a testament to the courage and creativity of the Palestinian people and the international solidarity movement. They highlight the fact that despite the lack of decent budgets and a state apparatus, the dedicated work of activists can really make a difference. This was a key lesson learned from the South African anti-apartheid movement, as well. Moral right coupled with strategic thinking and tactical wisdom can indeed overcome the might and endless resources of the oppressors. PACBI warmly welcomes these successes on campuses and, once more, salutes all those involved.  

 

 
Notes
 
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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412