New Texts Out Now: Amy Motlagh, Burying the Beloved: Marriage, Realism, and Reform in Modern Iran

[Cover of Amy Motlagh, \"Burying the Beloved: Marriage, Realism, and Reform in Modern Iran\"] [Cover of Amy Motlagh, \"Burying the Beloved: Marriage, Realism, and Reform in Modern Iran\"]

New Texts Out Now: Amy Motlagh, Burying the Beloved: Marriage, Realism, and Reform in Modern Iran

By : Amy Motlagh

Amy Motlagh, Burying the Beloved: Marriage, Realism, and Reform in Modern Iran. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2011.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Amy Motlagh (AM): Part of the study of literature is obsessive re-reading. In this case, I became preoccupied with what I felt was a narrow translation of a word in the English edition of Sadeq Hedayat’s The Blind Owl (which is perhaps the only Persian novel to achieve the status of a work of “world literature”), giving rise to an interpretation of the novel that seemed to conceal some of the complexities of how this could be read in the Persian. Although the preoccupation with that particular word didn’t ultimately find a place in the book, it made me re-think my way of understanding the novel, a prose form still new to Persian when Hedayat wrote The Blind Owl in 1937. It also helped me articulate the way in which the dominant readings of canonical texts from the Persian tradition seemed to systematically efface traces of sexual, class, and linguistic difference. This led me to look again at the purported genealogy of prose fiction in Iran, and to discover some surprising similarities in the development of the discourses that justified and argued for the adoption of civil law. One of the most profound connections that I found between prose fiction and civil law was the mutual use of marriage as a metaphor for understanding women’s status.

At the same time, I saw a semiotic shift taking place as these new prose forms began to use ideas from the existing literary discourse (dominated by poetry) to tell different kinds of stories. Part of that shift was the transformation of the ambiguously gendered beloved of pre-modern lyric poetry into the unambiguously female beloved (typically a wife) of the novel. The critical discourse treating the ambiguity of this beloved in the Iranian lyrical tradition is a vexed one, and it seems to me to characterize the difficulty with which critics and readers made a transition between and among literary forms and their symbolic systems. I argue in Burying the Beloved that the celebration of marriage and the ideal of the companionate wife in legal discourse and in fiction depended on the burial of this ambiguity, which is often literally symbolized in metaphors of dismemberment and burial. In other words, in order to become consonant with modernity, the beloved of classical poetry had to be translated into the wife of modern fictional realism.

J: What major issues does it address?

AM: Though much attention has been given to other aspects of elite and popular culture in twentieth-century Iran, the critical discourse on Persian literature has been comparatively limited. I wanted to offer an examination of literature that more directly addressed the question of how and why the novel and prose fiction came into being and persisted in the twentieth century, in spite of limited readership and the perception that prose fiction—especially the novel—was a non-indigenous and potentially corrupting form. As I mentioned above, I also wanted to put prose fiction into critical dialogue with another discourse that was developing at the same time—namely, civil law. I felt that this comparison would allow me to problematize what I thought of as the “invisibility” of realism in Iranian fiction (in other words, the assumption that literature accurately reflected social realities) and to question the assumption that the purpose of literary production in Iran was inherently reformist. Part of my reasoning was that because laws are more frequently recognized as instruments of social reform, and their claim to realism is questioned, reading literary production within the context of legal reform would allow me to make visible the common assumptions of these two discourses.

J: How does this work connect to and/or depart from your previous research and writing?

AM: My previous publications have focused on Anglophone literature of the post-1979 Iranian diaspora, primarily the North American diaspora. I developed this interest in the diaspora as I was working on the dissertation that eventually grew into Burying the Beloved, even though it was an area of investigation that didn’t have an explicit connection to my dissertation research—basically, it was an attempt to intervene at a time when both the political situation and the scholarly discourse seemed to demand a critical response. The discussion within the Iranian Studies community about diaspora and diasporic cultural production has become more complex and interesting since that time, but when I first began writing on this topic, it was very much marginalized and seen as beyond the pale of appropriate scholarly focus. Yet in retrospect, I see that this research shares many of the concerns of Burying the Beloved: it is focused on the way in which genres shape discourses and are in turn further politicized, and what happens when we complicate the analysis of genre by introducing an investigation of gender. The conclusion of Burying the Beloved (“A Severed Head?”) may most explicitly connect these research interests, in that it turns its critical attention to the globalized nature of Iranian culture in the twenty-first century, and the role that diasporic intellectuals play in mediating and interpreting the new and globalized cultural forms like Iranian cinema, which have achieved extraordinarily wide circulation and appeal.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

AM: I hope that Burying the Beloved opens up a space to revisit the major critical assumptions that characterized the study of modern Persian literature to date (both inside and outside of Iran), because I think that these are assumptions that have carried over into historiography and other areas of scholarly production. So I suppose the first targeted audience is scholars of modern Iran. I’d also love to see it adopted in both undergraduate and graduate courses that focus on world literature, Middle Eastern literatures, and, of course, the rare specialized course on modern Persian fiction. I hope it encourages readers to return to some of the canonical works it examines with different questions—for example, I’d like for people to put aside questions like “Was Sadeq Hedayat a misogynist?” and instead to ask questions about the way in which the indeterminacy of his text has inspired such profoundly different readings. A friend asked me at one point during this project, “Why Hedayat? Hasn’t enough been written on him already?” But for me the perception that he has been “over-read” is part of the reason we must continue to ask questions about his centrality to the modern Persian canon and the imagination of Hedayat as the father of Persian modernism. I’d like for people to think about how the idea of the canonized Hedayat is itself a ghost that haunts the analysis of Persian literature.  

J: What current projects are you working on?

AM: I’m working on two new projects, both of which find their origins in issues and questions that came up while doing the research for this book. One project is concerned with how literary modernity is conceived, and looks at friendship networks in Iran-identified populations living in places like Delhi and Cairo in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The idea is to try to complicate earlier work on exile and nationalism, as well as to problematize the widely accepted history of Iranian nationalism’s development in particular. This is a project of some scope and I expect it will be a long time in the making. The other project, which is an ongoing interest and also has a place in Burying the Beloved (for example, in chapter four, “Ain’t I a Woman?”), has to do with class relations and the history of domestic service and slavery in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Iran.

I think all of my research reveals an enduring interest in class relations, gender conception and reification, and the question of what constitutes “the real.” 

Excerpt from Burying the Beloved: Marriage, Realism, and Reform in Modern Iran

Reforming Codes

Though it is often called the foundational novel of Iranian literary modernism—and even the “first ‘real’ Persian novel”—The Blind Owl did not have immediate successors. Most of the fiction published in Iran up until the 1980s were interpretations of what is broadly referred to as “social realism”—and indeed, the majority of Hedayat’s own work published after The Blind Owl was in this vein, too. Most critics would agree that Bozorg Alavi, Hedayat’s friend and fellow novelist, falls firmly in the category of social realist—even socialist realist. An ardent socialist, and one of the “Fifty-Three” arrested because of their association with the Tudeh Party, Alavi cannot be characterized as Hedayat’s heir, from a stylistic view. Yet Alavi was intimately familiar with Hedayat’s oeuvre; in fact, in 1930 the two collaborated with Shirazpur “Shin” Partow on a collection of short prose pieces entitled Aniran (Non-Iranian; 1931). Later, from his self-imposed exile in Berlin, Alavi would write a history of Persian literature whose treatment of the novel closely attends to Hedayat’s place in the Persian canon, in particular with regard to The Blind Owl.

These writers were the heirs to a profound ambivalence in the Iranian context about the nature of prose fiction and its place in Persian literature. Both Hedayat and Alavi knew the reformist writer Mohammad Jamalzadeh personally, and both participated in the First Congress of Iranian Writers in 1946 (1325 HS). Like most of the writers who attended that now (in)famous meeting, Hedayat and Alavi both declared a commitment to the kind of literary reform Jamalzadeh called for, and both men, especially Hedayat, produced prose focused on the use of “Persian” words to tell “Persian” stories against a perception of an earlier contamination by Arab and Muslim influences. But the changes that Jamalzadeh sought in 1921 and reiterated at the congress could not be immediately effected. Writers had to rely on the known conventions of earlier genres to make meaning even as they experimented in fictional modes, and at the same time many prose stylists—including Hedayat and Alavi—remained admirers of lyric poetry. Indeed, many early novels feature elements of poetic style: they are episodic rather than linear, and oftentimes take a line or topos from a poem as their epigraph. In some cases—especially in works like Zayn al-Abedin Maraghehi’s Siyahatnameh-ye Ebrahim Bayg (The Travelogue of Ibrahim Bayg) or the Persian translation of Morier’s Hajji Baba Ispahani—such novels in fact feature extended portions written in verse.

This is perhaps not surprising in a culture where other genres, especially poetry, had been preferred for hundreds of years. The Persian tradition of poetry was highly elaborated and disseminated throughout the world of Persian cultural influence, and knowledge of it was considered a condition of erudition; at the same time, the verse of classical poets like Hafez and Rumi had long been a recognizable attribute of idiomatic Persian. Thus, poetry had the unusual quality of being, in a sense, a genre that had permeated both “high” and “low” registers of speech. Though poetry was itself at the moment of the 1905 Constitutional Revolution and for some decades before a tradition in flux as it sought to answer, first, the formal demands of the baz gasht (return) movement and later the demands to be socially and politically engaged, in its traditional forms it continued to have the upper hand over prose in commanding the attention of learned audiences.

Given these conditions, we may speak, therefore, of there existing a system of poetic topoi (or perhaps, in a semiological sense, “codes”) that would be well known to the reader of the classical Persian tradition as well as to the speaker of an idiomatic Persian. Among the best-known codes of this tradition was the beloved (ma`shuq), whose symbolic import has been understood in a multitude of ways. It has been variously argued that the beloved is a metaphor for the union of God sought by Sufis, demonstrating that the physical passion depicted in such poetry is part of the elaborate Sufi metaphorical system for union with God; that the beloved is a young male beloved, since homosexuality was an important aspect of Perso-Islamic elite culture in premodern Iran; or, alternatively, that the beloved is properly read as a female, and this body of poetry is therefore related to the courtly tradition of poetry in Europe, which finds its origins in the verse of the troubadours. Yet attempting to argue any one of these theories at the exclusion of the others seems to force a question where there may have not been one, or where ambiguity functioned as a feature of this literary trope. As visual art began to be produced to evoke or represent the major scenes of love between `asheq (lover) and ma`shuq (beloved), one might expect that the issue would be settled definitively. Yet, as Najmabadi observes, the gender attributes of both lover and beloved in the period directly preceding the rise of the novel suggests a society that valued beauty in both young males and females, and such portraiture, in celebrating beauty in this way, maintained the gender ambiguity of the trope.

The heterosexualization of the relationship between `asheq and ma`shuq, as much as the heterosocialization of public space entailed in the civil code reforms, becomes, therefore, a task of dismemberment and re-memberment. By deploying this neologism as an operative term, I want to evoke simultaneously the act of imaginative and collective remembering that was intrinsic to the nationalist project and which plays a key role in both novels, as well as the act of what we might call “memberment”’—in other words, that act which is, in these novels, the opposite of dismemberment: the figurative painting of the female beloveds. The complications of decoupling the relationship between `asheq and ma`shuq from its historical ambiguity and recoupling it to the program of a mandatory heterosexualization partnered with public heterosexuality that would allow the fraternal modernism of the nation-state to develop are elaborated in both novels. In Kristevan terms, this is a process of “transposition,” which, Kristeva suggests, “specifies that the passage from one signifying system to another demands a new articulation of the thetic—of enunciative and denotative positionality.” In other words, when a system of meaning is borrowed from one context (here, the classical tradition of Persian verse, both lyrical and narrative) and pasted onto another (here, the new genre of prose fiction), the transition is a fraught one. The tension involved in such a transposition is marked in the text itself by the repetition of the codes that both narrators use to signify the female beloved, which are caught up, too, in the language of unveiling—itself a borrowed discourse, or transposition, from contemporary political discourse.

[Excerpted from Burying the Beloved: Marriage, Realism, and Reform in Modern Iran by Amy Motlagh, by permission of Stanford University Press. © 2011 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. For more information, or to order the book, click here.]

New Texts Out Now: Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education

Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Betty S. Anderson (BSA): I always joke that I conceived the project in the pool of the Carlton Hotel in Beirut. In June 2000, I visited Beirut for the first time so I could attend an Arab American University Graduate (AAUG) conference. One day, I walked with some friends all along the Corniche and up through the American University of Beirut (AUB) campus and then back to the hotel. Since it was late June and ridiculously hot, the only option at that point was to jump in the pool as quickly as possible. Two minutes in the pool and the thought occurred to me that my next research project was going to have to be about Beirut in some way. I had fallen in love with the city in just that one day. A half second later, I thought, I should write a history of AUB.

Besides the fact that I wanted to get back to Beirut as soon as possible, I wanted to know why AUB had been so influential in politicizing its students. At the time, I was doing additional research for my book on Jordan (Nationalist Voices in Jordan: The Street and the State) and a number of the political activists I studied had attended AUB. Their memoirs were filled with explanations and stories about how important those four years were for the development of their political identities. However, I had no idea as I floated in the pool that day that I’d have to do extensive research on Protestant missionaries and education long before I could even get to those Arab nationalists. At the time, I really knew relatively little about the school’s history.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does it address?

BSA: When I finally got back to Beirut in 2004, it was research on the educational systems offered at the Syrian Protestant College and AUB that eventually ended up directing my thesis. I was struck initially by the goals the American founders and their successors set for the school. They talked more about the transformative process they wanted the students to undertake than the course options they were offering. For example, Daniel Bliss (1866-1902) preached about producing Protestants who understood not only the liturgy but the lifestyle required of one converting to this faith; Bayard Dodge (1923-1948) exhorted students to follow the model of the modern American man as they sought to develop new characters for themselves. The former presided over a missionary educational system, the latter the new liberal education system then being formulated back in America. The first half of the book discusses this shift as the American University of Beirut was renamed in 1920.

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[Main gate of AUB campus. Photo by Betty S. Anderson.]

Liberal education, as American educators developed it in the second half of the nineteenth century, asks its students to be active participants in their educational experience. Before this point, professors taught their students a fixed body of knowledge; students were required to memorize and recite the data to prove that they had learned it. In liberal education, the system asks that professors teach students how to think and analyze so they can produce data on their own.

The second half of the book examines how the students reacted to this shifting pedagogical focus. The American leaders of the school repeatedly stated their goals for the students, and most books and articles on AUB focus on only those voices. However, that stance leaves out an important element of the AUB story, because only the students can truly determine whether the programs are effective. AUB is famous for the many student protests that have taken place on campus, starting with the Darwin Affair of 1882, leading to the Muslim Controversy of 1909, and then on to the large protests of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. As I discovered when I delved into the archives, students used dozens of newspapers to explain why they were protesting. The catalyst was always a particular event, on campus or off, but the students always framed their arguments around the freedom they felt the liberal education system promised. They fought against any administrative attempts to curtail their actions and frequently accused the administration of not following the guidelines set by American liberal education. This issue became increasingly contentious as students worked to define an Arab nationalism that called on them to be politically active while on campus. The administration continually opposed this position, and many of the student-administrative conflicts centered on the differing definitions of freedom put forward on campus. I put “Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education” in the subtitle of the book because by the twentieth century, these were the two dominant elements defining the relationship between the students and the administration.

J: How does this work connect to and/or depart from your previous research and writing?

BSA: Most of my work has centered on education in one form or another. In my book on Jordan, I wrote of the politicizing role high schools in Jordan and Palestine, as well as schools like AUB, played in mobilizing a national opposition movement in the 1950s. I have published a number of articles analyzing the narratives the Jordanian and Lebanese states present to their students in history and Islamic textbooks. Moving on to a comprehensive study of one particularly influential school was a natural progression. The difference was that I now had to study American education in the same way I had previously examined the influence of education in the Middle East.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

BSA: I hope AUB alumni want to read the book and, equally, that they find something of their story in it. I did not want to cite just the Americans who founded and ran the school; I purposely wanted to write about the students themselves. Typical university histories leave out the words and actions of the students in favor of hagiographies about the founders and their famous successors. I also hope that scholars and students interested in studies of education and nationalism will be interested. This is a book that addresses both Middle Eastern and American studies.

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[Assembly Hall and College Hall, AUB Campus. Photos by Betty S. Anderson.]

J: What other projects are you working on now?

BSA:
I have a contract with Stanford University Press to publish a book called State and Society in the Modern Middle East. Like with anyone who undertakes to write a textbook, I am frustrated with those that are currently available. Textbooks of the modern Middle East typically focus just on state formation, the actions of the chief politicians, and the political interplay between states. My text focuses instead on the relationship between state and society as it developed over the last two hundred years. The states in the region centralized in the nineteenth century, faced colonialism in the early twentieth century, and then independence after World War II; these stages created new roles for state leaders. Civil society, in the broadest definition of the term, emerged from the eighteenth century forward as people sought new ways to organize within and against the states now intruding on their lives. They took advantage of the new institutions the states built to establish for themselves new class, national, and gender definitions, while frequently opposing the states that had introduced these very institutions. My text examines how schools, government offices, newspapers, political parties, and women’s groups constantly negotiated new relationships with their respective states.

Excerpt from The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education

From Chapter One:

"The great value of education does not consist in the accepting this and that to be true but it consists in proving this and that to be true," declared Daniel Bliss, founder of Syrian Protestant College (SPC; 1866–1920) and its president from 1866 to 1902, in his farewell address. President Howard Bliss (president, 1902–1920) said in his baccalaureate sermon in 1911, "In a word, the purpose of the College is not to produce singly or chiefly men who are doctors, men who are pharmacists, men who are merchants, men who are preachers, teachers, lawyers, editors, statesmen; but it is the purpose of the College to produce doctors who are men, pharmacists who are men, merchants who are men, preachers, teachers, lawyers, editors, statesmen who are men." Bayard Dodge (1923–1948) stated at his inauguration as president of the newly renamed American University of Beirut (AUB; 1920– ), "We do not attempt to force a student to absorb a definite quantity of knowledge, but we strive to teach him how to study. We do not pretend to give a complete course of instruction in four or five years, but rather to encourage the habit of study, as a foundation for an education as long as life itself." The successors to these men picked up the same themes when they elaborated on the school`s goals over the years; most recently, in May 2009, President Peter Dorman discussed his vision of AUB’s role. "AUB thrives today in much different form than our missionary founders would have envisioned, but nonetheless—after all this time—it remains dedicated to the same ideal of producing enlightened and visionary leaders."

In dozens of publications, SPC and AUB students have also asserted a vision of the transformative role the school should have on their lives. The longest surviving Arab society on campus, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa, published a magazine of the same name during most academic years between 1923 and 1954 and as of 1936 stated as its editorial policy the belief that "the magazine`s writing is synonymous with the Arab student struggle in the university." From that point forward, the editors frequently listed the society`s Arab nationalist goals. In the fall 1950 edition, for example, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa`s Committee on Broadcasting and Publications issued a statement identifying the achievement of Arab unity as the most important goal because "it is impossible to separate the history, literature and scientific inheritance of the Arabs" since "the Arab essence is unity." Toward this end, al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa pledged to accelerate the "growth of the true nationalist spirit" among the students affiliated with the organization. In describing education as an activist pursuit, the statement declares, "To achieve political ideas which are aimed at our nationalism it is necessary for we as students to seek information by many different means." In this call, the AUB Arab students must take on the task of studying the Arab heritage as thoroughly and frankly as possible so that when they graduate they can move into society with solutions to the many problems plaguing the Arab world.

Since the school`s founding in 1866, its campus has stood at a vital intersection between a rapidly changing American missionary and educational project to the Middle East and a dynamic quest for Arab national identity and empowerment. As the presidential quotes indicate, the Syrian Protestant College and the American University of Beirut imported American educational systems championing character building as their foremost goal. Proponents of these programs hewed to the belief that American educational systems were the perfect tools for encouraging students to reform themselves and improve their societies; the programs do not merely supply professional skills but educate the whole person. As the quotes from al-`Urwa al-Wuthqa attest, Arab society pressured the students to change as well. The Arab nahda, or awakening, of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries called on students to take pride in their Arab past and to work to recreate themselves as modern leaders of their society; the Arab nationalist movement of the twentieth century asked that students take a lead in fighting for Arab independence from foreign control. The students streaming through the Main Gate year after year used both of these American and Arab elements to help make the school not only an American institution but also one of the Arab world and of Beirut, as the very name, the American University of Beirut, indicates. This process saw long periods of accommodation between the American-led administration and the Arab students, but just as many eras when conflict raged over the nature of authority each should wield on campus; the changing relationship between the administration and the students serves as the cornerstone of this book, for it is here where much of the educational history of SPC and AUB has been written.

From Chapter Five:

The 1952 April Fool’s Day issue of Outlook (called Lookout on that day) satirized the proliferation of student protests that had dominated campus life for the previous few years. In the paper’s lead article, the author declared, “A School of Revolutionary Government, designed to equip AUB students with a wide knowledge of modern techniques of conspiracy and revolution, is to be opened during the fall semester, a communique from the President’s Office announced late Friday.” Continuing the same theme, the article reports, “All courses will include a minimum of three lab hours to be spent in street battles with gendarmes and similar applications of theories learned in classrooms.” President Stephen Penrose (1948-1954), the article stated, gave a Friday morning chapel talk on the new school motto: “That they may have strife and have it more abundantly.” In a further announcement, the paper described the day’s protest.

There will be a demonstration this afternoon at three in front of the Medical Gate to object against everything[.] All those interested please report there promptly five [minutes] before time. The demonstration promises to be very exciting—tear gas will be used, and the slogans are simply delightful. If all goes well, police interference is expected. If not to join, come and watch.

This, of course, had not been the first era of student protest; the difference by the 1950s was the widespread and sustained nature of the conflict between the administration and the students. When Lookout published its satirical articles in 1952, students had been organizing demonstrations in support of Palestinians and Moroccans, and against any and all things imperialist, since 1947; these events only petered out in 1955 as the administration banned the two main groups organizing them, the Student Council and the Arab society, al-cUrwa al-Wuthqa. Students engaged in these exercises explicitly as Arabs, proud of their past, and striving toward cultural, political and economic unity in the future. In their actions, students sought to integrate their educational experiences at AUB with the real-life events taking place outside the Main Gate, for only then did they feel they could be trained to function as the vanguard initiating the necessary changes in their society.

[Excerpted from Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut: Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education. © 2011 by The University of Texas Press. Excerpted by permission of the author. For more information, or to order the book, click here.]