IFEX Tunisia Monitoring Group Expresses Concern Over Closing of Media Reform Body

[International Freedom of Expression Exchange logo. Image from ifex.org] [International Freedom of Expression Exchange logo. Image from ifex.org]

IFEX Tunisia Monitoring Group Expresses Concern Over Closing of Media Reform Body

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was issued by the International Freedom of Expression Exchange Tunisia Monitoring Group on 9 July 2012. The statement was prompted by the voluntary termination of the activities of the National Authority to Reform Information and Communication, an independent body tasked with reforming the Tunisian media, in response to continued government obstruction of its work.] 

The International Freedom of Expression Exchange Tunisia Monitoring Group (IFEX-TMG), a coalition of twenty-one IFEX members, is deeply concerned by the prevailing uncertainty and obstruction that have led the National Authority to Reform Information and Communication (INRIC) to end its work. 

IFEX-TMG members are disturbed by the closure of INRIC, the repeated failures of the government to act upon its recommendations, and the consequences of the decision for the future of media reform in Tunisia. 

Since the beginning of its mandate, INRIC members have cited the reluctance of the government to commit to the necessary reforms that would introduce significant change to the Tunisian media framework and safeguard freedom of expression. 

As one of the fundamental reasons behind its decision to terminate its work, INRIC cited the failure to apply decrees 115 (dated 2 November 2011 on Freedom of the Press, Printing and Publishing) and 116 (dated 2 November 2011 on Freedom of Audio-Visual Communication and Establishing a Supreme Independent Body of Audio and Visual Communication), designed to ensure the protection of journalists and provide the basis for a framework regulating new audio-visual media. 

The President of INRIC, Kamel Labidi, has been quoted on the record as stating: "The body does not see the point in continuing and announces that it has terminated its work," justifying the committee`s decision by claiming the government had reverted to "censorship and disinformation." 

Pro-government daily newspapers Al-Chourouk and Essiwar reacted to the announcement by launching a virulent smear campaign against INRIC and its President. The disinformation and insults published in the two papers are reminiscent of the Ben Ali era, when independent journalists and human rights defenders were attacked regularly by the regime and its adherents. 

As the independent authority charged with recommending the necessary reforms for the media, and in particular state media organs, to guarantee freedom of the press in Tunisia, INRIC, with the support of local and international media and human rights partners including the IFEX-TMG, has been consistently critical of the government for lacking the necessary will to take the required steps to ensure the independence of the media. 

"The time has come for former INRIC members to work hand in hand with journalists and civil society advocates yearning for the protection of independent journalism," Labidi told the IFEX-TMG. 

Accusations of a reversion to censorship and disinformation are a serious blow to the credibility of the Tunisian government`s commitment to reforming the media sector and establishing inclusive, transparent and democratic institutions. Reluctance to support the work of INRIC, considered by many inside the country and internationally as one of the most successful democratic undertakings of the post-revolution phase, calls into question the future direction of the entire reform process in Tunisia. 

The IFEX-TMG is particularly concerned by the alarming slide in freedom of expression witnessed since the October elections. The dissolution of INRIC can therefore only contribute to what appears to be a serious retreat in the hard-won freedoms achieved since the revolution. 

IFEX-TMG members therefore urge the government to clarify its position on basic rights, to make significant and demonstrable assurances to the media, civil society and human rights groups in the country as to how future freedom of expression will be guaranteed, and to adhere in both principle and act on the values contained in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states: 

“Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” 

The latest IFEX-TMG report Spring into Winter? that will be presented to the Tunisian authorities this week, highlights the still fragile hold on democracy. 

[Click here to download the full IFEX-TMG report.] 

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412