Palestine at the United Nations: A Vote for Peace and Justice

[Mahmoud Abbas addressing the United Nations. Image from nad-plo.org] [Mahmoud Abbas addressing the United Nations. Image from nad-plo.org]

Palestine at the United Nations: A Vote for Peace and Justice

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following report was issued by the Palestine Liberation Organization on 29 November 2012.] 

Palestine at the United Nations: A Vote for Peace and Justice

We are pleased to have released the latest publication made by the PLO – Negotiations Affairs Department entitled “Palestine at the United Nations: A Vote for Peace and Justice.” Copies of this study will be distributed in a few hours to all member states of the United Nations before the vote to enhance Palestine’s status at the UN.

Contents

  • International statements in support of Palestine’s Freedom
  • Excerpts from the Speech of H.E President Mahmoud Abbas to the UNGA in September 27, 2012
  • Palestine and the International Community: A Shared Vision for Peace
  • Israel’s Agenda: Colonization and Apartheid
  • 65 Years of UN Resolutions on Palestine
  • Key Aspects of International Law Relating to Palestine
  • Unilateral Israeli Actions VS/ International Law
  • 64 Years of Exile: Palestine Refugees
  • 20 Years of Undermined Efforts: The Peace Process
  • Palestine on the International Agenda: Extracts from speeches delivered at the last UNGA General Debate (September 2012)
  • Conclusion: The Palestinian people will continue their noble and dignified struggle

Introduction

The Palestinian vision for a just and comprehensive peace agreement that ends the conflict is one which is shared with the rest of the international community: two states, Palestine and Israel, living side by side in peace and security and a just and agreedupon solution to the Palestinian refugee issue in accordance with international law, including UN General Assembly 194. This vision was enshrined in the Arab Peace initiative in 2002, which was also endorsed by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. The Palestinian position seeks to end Israeli occupation, exercise the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to self-determination and establish an independent, viable and sovereign state on the 1967 borders.

The international community has endorsed the two-state solution along the 1967 border with East Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital, and has repeatedly affirmed that the two-state solution is the best way to achieve a peaceful resolution to this conflict.

Moreover, the international community continues to strongly condemn Israeli policies and actions that contravene international law and Israel’s obligations as an occupying Power. The international community has also repeatedly affirmed that these practices are devastating Palestinian lives and livelihoods and undermining the prospect of a two-state solution. 

The Palestinian and international visions, therefore, are in line with one another, and the State of Palestine’s recognition by the United Nations reinforces this common objective.

In taking the sovereign decision to apply to the United Nations General Assembly for an upgrade to Observer State status, the Palestinian people is taking a positive step towards fulfilling its inalienable right to self-determination within the framework of international law and the two-state vision of the international community. Statehood and self-determination are not, and have never been, matters to be negotiated bilaterally. The international community has a legal and moral obligation not only to support the Palestinians’ inalienable right to selfdetermination but to realize that right. Now is the time.

[Click here to download the full report.] 

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412