Call for Papers -- Not All Quiet on the Ottoman Fronts: Neglected Perspectives on Global War, 1914-1918 (1 June Abstract Deadline)

[Image from ottomanfronts1914-1918.org] [Image from ottomanfronts1914-1918.org]

Call for Papers -- Not All Quiet on the Ottoman Fronts: Neglected Perspectives on Global War, 1914-1918 (1 June Abstract Deadline)

By : Jadaliyya Reports

Not All Quiet on the Ottoman Fronts: Neglected Perspectives on Global War, 1914-1918
9 – 12 April 2014
Istanbul, Turkey

Deadline:  June 1, 2013

The History Foundation (Tarih Vakfı) and Orient-Institut Istanbul with the support of Boğaziçi University, Institut Français des Études Anatoliennes (IFEA), İstanbul Bilgi University, Sabancı University, and İstanbul Şehir University will host an international multidisciplinary conference on World War I at İstanbul Bilgi University between 9 and 12 April 2014.

The study of the First World War in the initial phase focused on the question of war aims and the responsibility for its outbreak in the framework of imperialism and the process of nation building and/or reaffirmation of national concepts on the great battlefields. Following the social turn in history of the 1970s, researchers discussed the social history of the war. Following the discursive turn of the late 1980s, a new focus on representations of the war in public memory evolved. More recently, historians have concentrated on atrocities.

The historiography of the Ottoman fronts has followed the same general trends, although not always at the same moments in time. Debates have concentrated on: the question whether the Ottoman entry into hostilities was a genuine decision by the country’s government or the result of German imperialist manipulation; the relevance of the Gallipoli front (Çanakkale) for the nation building processes in Turkey, Australia, and New Zealand; atrocities committed against civilians in the framework of either retaliation or of demographic engineering.

As World War I was the central founding experience of the twentieth century and thus needs to be discussed in relation to various segments of society and on several levels, we believe that its 100th anniversary is the appropriate moment to bring together recent research on the Ottoman theater of the war based on the various traditions of this new military history established in the last 30 years and assess where we stand today in our knowledge of the World War and where we are headed. We therefore invite papers that  develop existing approaches and questions to a further level. On this basis these papers will aid us in entering into a comparative, and where possible transnational, perspective of the war.

Experiencing the War

The experience of the war varied greatly not only between different national (or proto-national) groups, but also according to the individual role people assumed during these years. Those groups, which were not integrated into he later national narrative of the war, such as, for example, deserters, ethnic minority soldiers, or even prisoners, have not received due attention. Groups, which are integrated into the national narrative, such as irregulars, on the other hand need to be reconsidered without a teleological bias. Also issues related to everyday life behind the front, including gender, labour, and sanitary conditions, are taken into consideration

Organizing the War

Many techniques modern states use to organize, control, indoctrinate, punish, economically exploit, sanitarily protect, or demographically manipulate their citizenry were either introduced or mass-fieldtested in this period. These need to be analysed both in their original martial framework and in terms of their long-term impact on societies. On this basis, we can come to a more in-depth understanding of governance of the Ottoman state (and others) in wartime, its aims and methods. In the same way, possible manifestations of individual or group resistance vis-à-vis war-related social engineering need to be addressed.

Speaking about the War

War on an unprecedented scale led those affected to search for novel ways to cope with their experiences, to communicate their feelings, hopes, despair in personal writings, to distract themselves in entertainment or to laud or criticize the war and what they saw as its underlying causes in art, literature, or other forms of culture and expression of self.

In subsequent periods, the public discourse on the Great War became increasingly selective. Certain aspects of the war, such as masculinity, heroism, the need for sacrifice for a greater good and religious or semi-religious devotion used to be commemorated, whereas issues failing to agree with hegemonic discourses were suppressed and forgotten. As a consequence, we encounter a set of established historical realities which need to be reviewed and deconstructed. A critical rereading of the discourses and their production processes allow us to determine the missing links, silences, and generalizations that have become common for general views of the war.

Papers may address one or more of, but are not limited to, the following topics:

Experiencing the War

  • officers
  • drafted soldiers
  • deserters
  • nurses and other medical staff
  • veterans and wounded
  • prisoners of war
  • civilian internees
  • ‘ethnic minority’ soldiers
  • violence in its various forms

Organizing the War

  • war aims
  • governance in wartime
  • war economy, supply (incl. black market, smuggling), transport
  • health and provisioning
  • the battlefield and irregular troops
  • military justice
  • intelligence
  • the teşkilat-ı mahsusa
  • forced migration
  • Germany’s role in the war 

Speaking about the War

  • propaganda: inciting the masses, orchestrating jihad, anti-colonial revolt, etc.
  • literature, arts, culture
  • historiography in national and post-national perspective
  • personal testimonies (egohistory)
  • public memory and commemoration

The deadline for submission of abstracts is 1 June 2013. Abstracts and proposals for panels of maximum 500 words should be submitted to info@ottomanfronts1914-1918.org with a brief CV of the submitters.

We welcome papers from across a wide range of academic disciplines, including history, politics, anthropology, sociology, economy, literature, art, media, and geography. We especially seek applications from scholars whose work is informed by a broad perspective of war and society.

The papers will be selected according to the novelty of the themes and findings addressed or their potential to take existing debates into a new direction. The academic quality and promise will be assessed by a committee formed of representatives of the organizing institutions. The working languages of the conference will be English and Turkish.

We kindly invite the participants to approach their own institutions in the first instance to cover their costs. Partial support for travel expenses and accommodation of some participants will be provided.

Participants will need to submit their complete papers by 1 February 2014 for their panel discussants to have sufficient time to prepare a response. 

  • ALSO BY THIS AUTHOR

    • Long Form Podcast Episode 8: Resigning the State Department Over Gaza With Hala Rharrit

      Long Form Podcast Episode 8: Resigning the State Department Over Gaza With Hala Rharrit

      In this episode of Long Form, Hala Rharrit discusses the factors that led her to resign from the US State Department, the mechanisms by which institutional corruption and ideological commitments of officials and representatives ensure US support for Israel, and how US decision-makers consistently violate international law and US laws/legislation. Rharrit also addresses the Trump administration’s claim that South Africa is perpetrating genocide against the country’s Afrikaaner population, and how this intersects with the US-Israeli campaign of retribution against South Africa for hauling Israel before the ICJ on charges of genocide.

    • Emergency Teach-In — Israel’s Profound Existential Crisis: No Morals or Laws Left to Violate!

      Emergency Teach-In — Israel’s Profound Existential Crisis: No Morals or Laws Left to Violate!

      The entire globe stands behind Israel as it faces its most intractable existential crisis since it started its slow-motion Genocide in 1948. People of conscience the world over are in tears as Israel has completely run out of morals and laws to violate during its current faster-paced Genocide in Gaza. Israelis, state and society, feel helpless, like sitting ducks, as they search and scramble for an inkling of hope that they might find one more human value to desecrate, but, alas, their efforts remain futile. They have covered their grounds impeccably and now have to face the music. This is an emergency call for immediate global solidarity with Israel’s quest far a lot more annihilation. Please lend a helping limb.

    • Long Form Podcast Episode 7: Think Tanks and Manufactuing Consent with Mandy Turner (4 June)

      Long Form Podcast Episode 7: Think Tanks and Manufactuing Consent with Mandy Turner (4 June)

      In this episode, Mandy Turner discusses the vital role think tanks play in the policy process, and in manufacturing consent for government policy. Turner recently published a landmark study of leading Western think tanks and their positions on Israel and Palestine, tracing pronounced pro-Israel bias, where the the key role is primarily the work of senior staff within these institutions, the so-called “gatekeepers.”

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412