Kurdish Translation of Statement by Comrades from Cairo: 'We Can Smell the Tear Gas from Rio and Taksim to Tahrir'

[Image by Hossam el-Hamalawy via Flickr.] [Image by Hossam el-Hamalawy via Flickr.]

Kurdish Translation of Statement by Comrades from Cairo: 'We Can Smell the Tear Gas from Rio and Taksim to Tahrir'

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[This statement was originally published in English here. It was translated into Kurdish by Xelef Botan.]

Nameyek ji Hevalên ji Qahîre: em bêhna gaz a ku ji Rio û Taksîm’ê tê li Tehrîrê distînin

[Ev nivîsar, wergera danezana ku demekî nêzik de ji alîyê Hevalên ji Qahîre ve hatîye weşandî ye. Hun dikarin Ingilîzîya vê nivîsarê li vir bixwînin.]

Ji we re ku em li rex we berxwedidin; 30’ê pûşperê dê bibe nîşana gihatina mertebeyek nû ya serhildana me ku 25 û 28’ê rêbendan a 2011’an de destpê kir. Serhildana me ya vê carê li dijî  Birayên Misliman e ku bin destên wan de kedxwarîya aborî, şideta polis, işkence û kuştin zêdetir bûne.

Ku fersende ji bo jiyanek bi rumet ne cih be, gotina “demokrasî” hatîye jî ê ne rast be. Îdîayên ku bi rîya hilbijartinan meşrûtî  saz dibe me ji rastîya berxwedana me li Misir’ê dur têxe, ji ber ku rejîma zalim a ku li ser tehdekarî, hişkî û şideta polisan hatîye avakirin tenê rûyê xwe guhertî ye, lê bi rastî heman rejîm e. Destûrmend bersiva gel nadin. Meqaman ji bo menfîet û dewlemendîya xwe ya kesanî bikar tînin.

30’ê pûşperê carekî din qirîna Şoreşê bilind kir; “Gel dixwaze sîstemê bîne xar!” Hêvîya me ji pêşerojê ne zêhnîyeta Birayên Misliman ya ku rejîma otorîtera bawerhişk e, û ne jî kapîtalîzm a ku alîgirên xwe li ser her kesî digir e. Hêvîya me ne wesayeta leşkerî ku jiyana aborî û sîyasî bi zordestî girtî ye, ne jî sazîya kevin a wextê Mibarek e. Dibe ku xwepêşanderên ku xwe avêtin li kolanan 30’ê pûşperê bigihin hev li dora vê bangê, lê banga me ev e: Divê helwesta me walê be; ji ber ku em vegerîna rojên xwînrijandin a kevin qebul nakin.

Her çiqas tora me hêja jar be jî, bi wan hêvîyên ku Tirkiye û Brezîlya’yê dayîn me em ê bikevin rê. Her yekî ji wan di bin mercên sîyasî û aborî yên cuda de derketine holê; lê em hemu jî di bin destên heman mirovan de ne ku tim û tim berjewendîyên xwe difikirin, ji xeyni xwe tu kesi din nafikirin û zordest in. Em, ji “Tevgera Ragihandina Bêmize” ku sala 2003`an de li bajare Bahia ya Brezilya`yê bi şêweyek berwarî hatîye rêxistin û forumên vekirî yên li Tirkiye îlham distînin. Ligel perçiqandina mirovan di bin mantiqa neoliberalizma ku li Misir’ê cîgayi buye, rejîma Birayên Misliman tenê cîlayek olî li pêvajoyê ve daye. Mezin buna pir zêde ya sektora arizî(serbest) li Tirkiye’yê di bin rejîma zordest de biderfet dibe. Zêhniyeta ku şideta polisan mîna wesita yêkem pêk tîne jî eynî ye: bi vî awayî alternatif tên çewisandin. Li Brezilya’yê jî diroka şoreşger a hikumeta heyi mîna maskeyek ku meşrûtîyê dide tê pêk anîn. Şirikên kar bi heman zêhniyeta sermayedar hem kedxwarîya mirovan hem jî kedxwarîya xwezayê dikin.

Ev têkoşinên nû hevparên şerên dirokî yên Kurdan û gelên binkî yên li Amerikaya Başurî ne. Ev gelek dehsalin ku hikumeta Tirkiye û Brezilya’yê xebat kirin ku wan hêzên ku ji bo jiyanê têdikoşin biqelînin; lê serkeft derneketin. Berxwedanên wan dijî zordestîya dewletê bun pêşane ji bo pêlên protestoyan ku li Tirkiye û Brezilya’yê belav bûn. Bi lez û bez divê em kûrahiya têkoşinên hevdu fêhm bikin û azineyên nû yên serhildanê bibînin û wan ragihînin war, tax û civatên nû.  

Berxwedana me, derfetek li dij rabuna rejîmên cihanî yên netewe-dewletan derdixine holê. Bê cudayi, hem di demên geşdarî û hem jî di demên qeyranên aborî de, dewlet—bi taybetiya Misir’ê de rêveberiya Mibarek, derbeya leşkerî an jî rêveberiya Birayên Misliman, bê ferq—ji bo dewlemendî û imtiyazên desthilatdaran her zêdetir bike, gelan bêmal, bêwar û bêmaf dihêle.

Tu kes ji me ji yeki din ne qutbuyî ye. Li Bahreyn’ê, Brezilya’yê, Bosna’yê, Şîlî’yê, Filistîn’ê, Suriye’yê, Tirkiye’yê, Kurdistan’ê, Tunis’ê, Sudan’ê, Sehraya Rojava’yê û li Misir’ê (em dikarin vê listê hêj dirêjtir bikin) em dijî heman dijminî têdikoşin.Li her derî me weke eşqîya, vandal, talanker û terorist bi nav dikin. Ew tişta ku em dijê wê şer dikin ne tenê kedxwarîya aborî, şideta polisa an jî sistema hiqûqa bê meşrûtî ye, ji wan zêdetir e. Û ne jî tenê maf û saz kirina têgina hemwelatiyek nû ye ew tişta ku em ji bo wê şer dikin. Em, dijî mekanizma zordestiyê, netewe-dewleta navendî ne.

Ev mekanizma, alîkariya komek bijarte ya cîgayi dike ku hêza jiyîna me bimije, û alîkariya hêzên cihanî dike ku jiyana me ya rojane bi rê ve bibin. Hêzên cihanî û bijarteyên cîgayi yên hevpar, bi gule, nûçe û çi din di navberê de hebe, dijî me bikar tênin. Em nabêjin ew têkoşinên ku berdewam dikin bila bibin yek an jî hemu bila wekhev bin.  Lê ew tişta ku divê em dijî wê şer bikin, hilweşînin û xira bikin heman karin û heman binyata desthilatiyê ye. Bi hev re, doza me xurttir e.

Em dixwazin sistem werê xar.

Hevalên ji Qahîre

[To read this statement in English, click here. To read this statement in Turkish, click here.]

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412