Bahrain Government Using Fake Twitter Accounts to Track Online Critics

[Bahrain flag. Image from flickr.] [Bahrain flag. Image from flickr.]

Bahrain Government Using Fake Twitter Accounts to Track Online Critics

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[This report was originally published by Bahrain Watch on 31 July 2013.]

Bahrain Government Using Fake Twitter Accounts to Track Online Critics: Over one hundred accounts targeted and 11 Twitter users jailed for insulting King

[Manama] The Bahraini security apparatus has been hunting down activists who conceal their true identity online to avoid reprisal or prosecution for criticizing the Government, according to a new project by activist organization Bahrain Watch.

Since October 2012, the Government has jailed eleven netizens for allegedly writing anonymous Tweets that refer to Bahrain’s King Hamad using terms such as “dictator” (الطاغية) or “fallen one” (الساقط).  An eight-month investigation by Bahrain Watch has revealed that the Government apparently identifies these anonymous online critics by sending them malicious IP spy links from a network of Twitter and Facebook accounts impersonating well-known opposition figures or other seemingly friendly individuals.  When an individual clicks on an IP spy link, they reveal the IP (Internet Protocol) address of the internet connection they clicked from. The Government can then compel the internet service provider of the IP address to disclose the real name and street address of that internet connection’s subscriber.

The report released on 31 July, “The IP Spy Files: How Bahrain’s Government Silences Anonymous Online Dissent,” documents the cases of five individuals arrested for insulting the King on Twitter who received, apparently received, or claimed to receive IP spy links.  An examination of court records shows that the Public Prosecution’s case centers around linking the IP address of the defendant to the offending anonymous Twitter account.  However the prosecution refuses to reveal how the IP addresses were acquired, citing information obtained through “private methods that cannot be disclosed.”  In several cases, the defense argues that the accounts the individuals are accused of operating are still active while they are in prison.  Bahrain Watch’s report shows that the Government apparently uses these accounts in secret, and may target their followers, friends, or contacts via private messages.

The report found that using IP spy links to identify the author of an anonymous Tweet is inherently unreliable: individuals other than the author can click on the link, and the link can be clicked from an internet connection not registered in the author’s name.  In at least one case documented by the report, an individual with no affiliation to the anonymous account in question was accused, convicted, and sentenced to one year in prison — he was the subscriber of an internet connection used to click on an IP spy link.

The consequences of clicking do not always include prison: the report documents the case of Sami Abdulaziz Hassan, the leader of a labor union at Japanese engineering firm Yokogawa Middle East, who was sacked from his job after he was identified as the author of anonymous Tweets criticizing the company’s alleged violations of labor law.  His Twitter account was targeted with IP spy links sent publicly via Twitter mentions.  The report also lists over 120 other accounts — both pro- and anti-Government — that were also targeted over the past two years in Twitter mentions with IP spy links traceable to the Government.

The investigation found that in at least six cases, links targeted at activists had also been clicked on from an IP address affiliated with Bahrain’s security forces in the Bahrain Internet Exchange.  These links were in turn connected to hundreds of other links sent using the same network of accounts.  The investigation also found that one of these accounts appeared to be operated by an employee of the Ministry of Interior Cyber Crime Unit.

“It is outrageous enough that individuals have been arrested and jailed for mere tweets criticizing the Government,” said Bahrain Watch lead researcher Bill Marczak. “That these individuals are being tracked down and convicted based on such weak digital evidence only makes matters worse.”

In its report, Bahrain Watch urged political and social activists in Bahrain, and around the world, to be vigilant about impersonation accounts and malicious links. The report contains a section giving advice about how to protect one’s identity online.

“Given the government’s track record, it comes as no surprise that it would resort to such measures to stifle free speech,” said Marczak. “However, our hope is that this report will spread awareness of the methods that governments around the world use to trap digital activists.”

Last year, Bahrain Watch’s Bill Marczak, along with the University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab, discovered that the UK-made spyware program FinSpy was operating on servers based in Bahrain.

---

Bahrain Watch is a monitoring and advocacy group that seeks to promote effective, accountable, and transparent governance in Bahrain through research and evidence-based activism.  
About Bahrain Watch: https://bahrainwatch.org/about.php
Contact: bill@bahrainwatch.org

Twitter: @bhwatch
 

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412