Friday 24 August: Summary of News Reports on Airstrike and Bombings in Lebanon

Friday 24 August: Summary of News Reports on Airstrike and Bombings in Lebanon

Friday 24 August: Summary of News Reports on Airstrike and Bombings in Lebanon

By : Kareem C.

Israeli Airstrike in Naameh

On Friday 23 August, Israeli warplanes struck an area twenty kilometers south of Beirut, targeting a base of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine General Command (PFLP-GC). Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Yaalon claimed that the airstrike was in response to four rockets that were fired into Israel from southern Lebanon less than twenty-four hours before the airstrike. The four rockets that were fired from southern Lebanon on 22 August caused no casualties, with one of the rockets being intercepted by Israel’s Iron Dome defense system. While the PFLP-GC’s building was targeted, the missile actually hit meters away from the entrance of the building, according to a journalist from The Daily Star in Lebanon.  The airstrike left a five-meter crater, but there were no reports of casualties or any damage to the building.

Abu Imad Ramez Mustafa, an official for the PFLP-GC, said the airstrike had nothing to do with the four rockets that struck Israel.  In fact, an al-Qa‘ida affiliated group called the Abdullah Azzam Brigades claimed responsibility for firing the rockets from an area not far from the Rashidieh Palestinian refugee camp near Tyre in southern Lebanon. More so, Israeli officials blamed a “global jihad terror organization,” an almost certain reference to al-Qai‘da. Despite these facts, Israeli military spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Peter Lerner claimed that the airstrike that struck the PFPL-GC site was “in response to the rocket barrage.”

The Lebanese government immediately condemned the rocket attacks on Israel on Thursday, with both President Michel Sleiman and caretaker Prime Minister Nagib Mikati calling the attack a violation of UN Resolution 1701—which is the resolution that put into effect a ceasefire in Israel’s 2006 war on Lebanon.  President Sleiman also denounced Israel’s response, and called for Foreign Minister Adnan Mansour to file a complaint to the United Nations.  His office stated that, "Border violations are a matter settled by the UNIFIL panel of inquiry and not by aggression and violation of Lebanese sovereignty as Israel did in Naameh”.

Car Bombs in Tripoli

Also on Friday 23 August, two car bombs went off in Tripoli as Friday prayers came to a close.  Both bombs targeted Sunni mosques, killing at least forty-two people, and injuring over three hundred.  The attack is considered to be the deadliest bomb attack Lebanon has experienced since the civil war.  The twin bombings took place approximately one week after a car bomb detonated in Ruwais in Beirut, that left at least sixteen people dead, and over two hundred injured.

The first blast struck outside the al-Taqwa Mosque.  Its imam, Salafi cleric Sheikh Salem Rafei, is a staunch opponent of Hezbollah and the regime of Bashar al-Asad in Syria.  On 2 April 2013, Rafei escaped an assassination attempt after a gunman entered the mosque and shot at him. The second blast on Friday took place in the al-Mina area, near the Salam Mosque.  The imam of that mosque, Sheikh Bilal Baroudi, is also a staunch opponent of Hezbollah and the Asad regime in Syria.

Both Sheikh Baroudi and Sheikh Rafei spoke to a crowd after the mosques were cleared. Rafei said, “Tripoli will be the only city in Lebanon that has security provided by its people,” echoing the general consensus among Tripoli residents calling for local militias to “secure” Tripoli. In fact, Hezbollah has been doing so in the Dahiyyeh following last week’s attack. Rafei accused the Syrian regime of carrying out the attacks, and called on Hezbollah to stop aiding the al-Asad regime and to withdraw its forces from Syria.

In a televised interview, Sheikh Dai al-Islam al-Chahal, a founder the Salafist movement in Lebanon, accused the Syrian regime of carrying out both the car bombs in Tripoli, as well as the car bomb that previously occurred in Dahiyyeh: “The Syrian regime is the one who carried out the southern suburbs blast, in order to save Hezbollah from the big predicament they are in. The Shi‘ites are sacrificing themselves for [Syrian President] Bashar al-Asad.”

Hezbollah released an official statement condemning the attacks in Tripoli, and warning people about false accusations: “These terrorist blasts are part of the criminal scheme aiming to sow strife among the Lebanese and drag them into civil strife under sectarian banners, which serves the regional-international scheme seeking to fragment our region and drown it in seas of blood and fire.” The statement also called on, “all wise people to preserve the rhetoric of awareness and wisdom and not to heed rumors and accusations seeking destruction for the country and its people.”

According to the Lebanese National News Agency, President Michel Sleiman called for the military, security, and judicial entities of Lebanon to rigorously investigate the incident and put the perpetrators to justice.  He also called for the Lebanese people to unite and resist against any attempts of creating strife.

On  Saturday 24 August, Lebanese security forces arrested someone they claimed they suspected of being connected to the attacks.  The suspect was identified as Sheikh Ahmad al-Ghareeb, who has ties to a Sunni organization that has good relations with Hezbollah, according to the Lebanese National News Agency.  He was taken into custody from his home, in an area just outside of Tripoli.


News Reports on Israeli Airstrike

Daily Star

Al-Akhbar English

Al-Jazeera

Reuters

The Guardian


News Reports on Tripoli Bombings

Al-Akhbar English

Daily Star

Al-Saffir

Al-Jazeera

Independent

Guardian

Huffington Post

 

 

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412