Arab Studies Journal Spotlight: Twentieth Anniversary Issue (Spring 2013)

[A visual representation of major trends in global Arab migrations, from Louise Cainkar`s article in the anniversary issue of ASJ. Map courtesy of Louise Cainkar.] [A visual representation of major trends in global Arab migrations, from Louise Cainkar`s article in the anniversary issue of ASJ. Map courtesy of Louise Cainkar.]

Arab Studies Journal Spotlight: Twentieth Anniversary Issue (Spring 2013)

By : ASJ Editors

 Arab Studies Journal Spotlight:

Twentieth Anniversary Issue (Spring 2013)

Since its inception in 1992, the Arab Studies Journal has taken part in extraordinary changes in the field of Middle Eastern studies: paradigm shifts (and, on occasion, returns), the growth of once-nascent fields (like gender and sexuality studies), and the emergence of exciting new subfields.

This special issue of the Arab Studies Journal celebrates two decades of publishing by featuring articles and book reviews that reflect the Journal’s dedication to critical, comparative and multidisciplinary scholarship on a wide range of topics and geographic coverage. Scholarly contributions to this issue represent various academic disciplines, including history, anthropology, political science, sociology and comparative literature.

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Scholars featured in this issue include Joel Beinin, who examines the urban element of Jewish communities in Palestine/Israel from the pre-aliyah period to 1967 in order to excavate histories of Arab-Jewish coexistence and violence; Khaled Furani, who explores the ways in which Palestinian poetry festivals in the mid-twentieth century provided the space and opportunity for communal celebration, further development of nationalist rhetoric and opposition to Israeli rule; Zainab Saleh, who examines the Saddam Hussein regime’s use of the 1924 Iraqi Nationality Law in the 1980s to expel “Iraqis of Iranian origin”; and Cortney Hughes Rinker, whose work on Morocco argues that the use of contraceptives by women in Rabat is less about neoliberal development discourses on becoming autonomous citizens, and more about surviving and managing national obligations and working-class realities.

In addition, this anniversary issue contains a unique section on “Arab Migrations and Diasporas,” featuring articles by Louise Cainkar, Simon Jackson and Wendy Pearlman, and a robust review section featuring a review of the second edition of Ella Shohat’s groundbreaking Israeli Cinema: East/West and the Politics of Representation. Also covered in the review section are new works by Noha Radwan, Abigail Jacobson, Eve M. Troutt Powell, Fida J. Adely, Samera Esmeir and Nancy Reynolds.

Content:

Articles

Mixing, Separation, and Violence in Urban Spaces and the Rural Frontier in Palestine
by Joel Beinin

On Iraqi Nationality: Law, Citizenship, and Exclusion
by Zainab Saleh

Dangerous Weddings: Palestinian Poetry Festivals During Israel’s First Military Rule
by Khaled Furani

Responsible Mothers, Anxious Women: Contraception and Neoliberalism in Morocco
by Cortney Hughes Rinker

Special Section: Arab Migrations and Diasporas

Global Arab World Migrations and Diasporas
by Louise Cainkar

Diaspora Politics and Developmental Empire: The Syro-Lebanese at the League of Nations
by Simon Jackson

Emigration and the Resilience of Politics in Lebanon
by Wendy Pearlman

Book Reviews

Juridical Humanity: A Colonial History
by Samera Esmeir
reviewed by Ilana Feldman

Picturing Algeria
by Pierre Bourdieu, edited by Franz Schultheis and Christine Frisinghelli
reviewed by Muriam Haleh Davis

A Single Roll of the Dice: Obama’s Diplomacy with Iran
by Trita Parsi
reviewed by Bitta Mostofi

A City Consumed: Urban Commerce, the Cairo Fire, and the Politics of Decolonization in Egypt
by Nancy Y. Reynolds
reviewed by Sarah El-Kazaz

Egyptian Colloquial Poetry in the Modern Arabic Canon: New Readings of Shi‘r al-‘Amiyya
by Noha M. Radwan
reviewed by Christopher Stone

Tell This in My Memory: Stories of Enslavement from Egypt, Sudan, and the Ottoman Empire
by Eve M. Troutt Powell
reviewed by Soha El Achi

From Empire to Empire: Jerusalem between Ottoman and British Rule
by Abigail Jacobson
reviewed by Mustafa Aksakal

Israeli Cinema: East/West and the Politics of Representation, New Edition
by Ella Shohat
reviewed by Nick Denes

Gendered Paradoxes: Educating Jordanian Women in Nation, Faith, and Progress
by Fida J. Adely
reviewed by Bruce Burnside

Global Palestine
by John Collins
reviewed by Paul Thomas Chamberlin

The Least of All Possible Evils: Humanitarian Violence from Arendt to Gaza
by Eyal Weizman
reviewed by Lisa Hajjar

Review Essays

Situating Salafism: Between the Local, the National, and the Global
by Michael Farquhar

Street Life: Rebels, Rulers, and the Right to the City
by Deen Sharp

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American Elections Watch 1: Rick Santorum and The Dangers of Theocracy

One day after returning to the United States after a trip to Lebanon, I watched the latest Republican Presidential Primary Debate. Unsurprisingly, Iran loomed large in questions related to foreign policy. One by one (with the exception of Ron Paul) the candidates repeated President Obama`s demand that Iran not block access to the Strait of Hormuz and allow the shipping of oil across this strategic waterway. Watching them, I was reminded of Israel`s demand that Lebanon not exploit its own water resources in 2001-2002. Israel`s position was basically that Lebanon`s sovereign decisions over the management of Lebanese water resources was a cause for war. In an area where water is increasingly the most valuable resource, Israel could not risk the possibility that its water rich neighbor might disrupt Israel`s ability to access Lebanese water resources through acts of occupation, underground piping, or unmitigated (because the Lebanese government has been negligent in exploiting its own water resources) river flow. In 2012, the United States has adopted a similar attitude towards Iran, even though the legal question of sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz is much more complicated and involves international maritime law in addition to Omani and Iranian claims of sovereignty. But still, US posturing towards Iran is reminiscent of Israeli posturing towards Lebanon. It goes something like this: while the US retains the right to impose sanctions on Iran and continuously threaten war over its alleged pursuit of a nuclear weapon, Iran should not dare to assume that it can demand the removal of US warships from its shores and, more importantly, should not dream of retaliating in any way to punitive sanctions imposed on it. One can almost hear Team America`s animated crew breaking into song . . . “America . . . Fuck Yeah!”

During the debate in New Hampshire, Rick Santorum offered a concise answer as to why a nuclear Iran would not be tolerated and why the United States-the only state in the world that has actually used nuclear weapons, as it did when it dropped them on the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki- should go to war over this issue. Comparing Iran to other nuclear countries that the United States has learned to “tolerate” and “live with” such as Pakistan and North Korea, Santorum offered this succinct nugget of wisdom: Iran is a theocracy. Coming from a man who has stated that Intelligent Design should be taught in schools, that President Obama is a secular fanatic, that the United States is witnessing a war on religion, and that God designed men and women in order to reproduce and thus marriage should be only procreative (and thus heterosexual and “fertile”), Santorum`s conflation of “theocracy” with “irrationality” seemed odd. But of course, that is not what he was saying. When Santorum said that Iran was a theocracy what he meant is that Iran is an Islamic theocracy, and thus its leaders are irrational, violent, and apparently (In Santorum`s eyes) martyrdom junkies. Because Iran is an Islamic theocracy, it cannot be “trusted” by the United States to have nuclear weapons. Apparently, settler colonial states such as Israel (whose claim to “liberal “secularism” is tenuous at best), totalitarian states such as North Korea, or unstable states such as Pakistan (which the United States regularly bombs via drones and that is currently falling apart because, as Santorum stated, it does not know how to behave without a “strong” America) do not cause the same radioactive anxiety. In Santorum`s opinion, a nuclear Iran would not view the cold war logic of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) as a deterrent. Instead, the nation of Iran would rush to die under American or Israeli nuclear bombs because martyrdom is a religious (not national, Santorum was quick to state, perhaps realizing that martyrdom for nation is an ideal woven into the tapestry of American ideology) imperative. Santorum`s views on Iran can be seen one hour and two minutes into the debate.

When it comes to Islam, religion is scary, violent and irrational, says the American Presidential candidate who is largely running on his “faith based” convictions. This contradiction is not surprising, given that in the United States fundamentalist Christians regularly and without irony cite the danger that American muslims pose-fifth column style- to American secularism. After all, recently Christian fundamentalist groups succeeded in pressuring advertisers to abandon a reality show that (tediously) chronicled the lives of “American Muslims” living in Detroit. The great sin committed by these American Muslims was that they were too damn normal. Instead of plotting to inject sharia law into the United States Constitution, they were busy shopping at mid-western malls. Instead of marrying four women at a time and vacationing at Al-Qaeda training camps in (nuclear, but not troublingly so) Pakistan, these “American Muslims” were eating (halal) hotdogs and worrying about the mortgages on their homes and the rising costs of college tuition. Fundamentalist Christians watched this boring consumer driven normalcy with horror and deduced that it must be a plot to make Islam appear compatible with American secularism. The real aim of the show, these Christian fundamentalists (who Rick Santorum banks on for political and financial support) reasoned, was to make Islam appear “normal” and a viable religious option for American citizens. Thus the reality show “All American Muslim” was revealed to be a sinister attempt at Islamic proselytizing. This in a country where Christian proselytizing is almost unavoidable. From television to subways to doorbell rings to presidential debates to busses to street corners and dinner tables-there is always someone in America who wants to share the “good news” with a stranger. Faced with such a blatant, and common, double standard, we should continue to ask “If Muslim proselytizers threaten our secular paradise, why do Christian proselytizers not threaten our secular paradise?”

As the United States Presidential Elections kick into gear, we can expect the Middle East to take pride of place in questions pertaining to foreign policy. Already, Newt Gingrich who, if you forgot, has a PhD in history, has decided for all of us, once and for all, that the Palestinians alone in this world of nations are an invented people. Palestinians are not only a fraudulent people, Gingrich has taught us, they are terrorists as well. Candidates stumble over each other in a race to come up with more creative ways to pledge America`s undying support for Israel. Iran is the big baddie with much too much facial hair and weird hats. America is held hostage to Muslim and Arab oil, and must become “energy efficient” in order to free itself from the unsavory political relationships that come with such dependancy. Candidates will continue to argue over whether or not President Obama should have or should not have withdrawn US troops from Iraq, but no one will bring up the reality that the US occupation of Iraq is anything but over. But despite the interest that the Middle East will invite in the coming election cycle, there are a few questions that we can confidently assume will not be asked or addressed. Here are a few predictions. We welcome additional questions from readers.

Question: What is the difference between Christian Fundamentalism and Muslim Fundamentalism? Which is the greater “threat” to American secularism, and why?

Question: The United States` strongest Arab ally is Saudi Arabia, an Islamic theocracy and authoritarian monarchy which (falsely) cites Islamic law to prohibit women from driving cars, voting, but has recently (yay!) allowed women to sell underwear to other women. In addition, Saudi Arabia has been fanning the flames of sectarianism across the region, is the main center of financial and moral support for Al-Qaeda and is studying ways to “obtain” (the Saudi way, just buy it) a nuclear weapon-all as part and parcel of a not so cold war with Iran. Given these facts, how do you respond to critics that doubt the United States` stated goals of promoting democracy, human rights, women`s rights, and “moderate” (whatever that is) Islam?

Question: Israel has nuclear weapons and has threatened to use them in the past. True or false?

Question: How are Rick Santorum`s views on homosexuality (or the Christian right`s views more generally) different than President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad`s or King Abdullah`s? Can you help us tease out the differences when all three have said that as long as homosexuals do not engage in homosexual sex, it`s all good?

Question: Is the special relationship between the United States and Israel more special because they are both settler colonies, or is something else going on?