Joint Statement Calling for Release of Arbitrarily Detained Journalists and Others in Syria

[Logo of Reporters Without Borders. Image from rsf.org] [Logo of Reporters Without Borders. Image from rsf.org]

Joint Statement Calling for Release of Arbitrarily Detained Journalists and Others in Syria

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following joint statement was issued by the undersigned and published by Reporters Without Borders on 17 March 2014] 

Free Key Rights Defenders

Government Arbitrarily Holds Darwish, Colleagues Despite UN Demands

The government of Syria should immediately and unconditionally release the arbitrarily detained human rights defender Mazen Darwish and his colleagues Hani Al-Zitani and Hussein Ghareer, 55 human rights organizations said today. The United Nations Security Council demanded the release of all arbitrarily detained people in Syria on February 22, 2014.

Darwish and his colleagues, held in violation of international standards by government authorities for over two years, are in the Adra central prison in Damascus pending trial before the Anti-Terrorism Court.

On March 10, the head of the Anti-Terrorism Court postponed the men’s trial for the seventh consecutive time, to March 24. The latest postponement was reportedly because a trial judge was sick but previous postponements were due to the government’s failure to present evidence against the three men.

The trial has failed to comply with international fair trial standards, the organizations said. The detainees have not seen the evidence against them, and fear that evidence extracted under torture may be used against them. There have also been excessive delays.

Syrian Air Force Intelligence arrested the three men on February 16, 2012, in Damascus, when officers raided the offices of the Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM), a key local nongovernmental organization working to disseminate information regarding the human rights situation in Syria. The government has brought terrorism charges against the three men for their work at SCM, and despite credible reports that security forces subjected them to torture while in detention, there has been no investigation into the abuses.

Their ongoing detention is a part of a wider campaign of threats and harassment against human rights defenders in Syria which appears intended to prevent them from carrying out their legitimate and peaceful human rights work, the organizations said.

Despite repeated calls by the international community, including the United Nations, for the release of the three human rights defenders, the authorities have refused to release them. A May 15, 2013 UN General Assembly resolution included a demand for their immediate release and on January 14, 2014, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention found their detention to be arbitrary and called for their release.

The Syrian authorities should immediately carry out UN Security Council Resolution 2139 adopted on February 22, 2014, the organizations said. The resolution demands the immediate end of arbitrary detention, torture, kidnappings, abductions, and forced disappearances and the release of all arbitrarily detained persons. In so doing, the government should immediately and unconditionally release and drop all charges against Darwish, Ghareer, and Al-Zitani.

The UN Security Council and the international community, in particular countries supportive of the Syrian government, should press for the immediate and unconditional release of all those currently arbitrarily detained, the organizations said.

The 61 organizations are:

  • · Albadeel for studies and research/ Jordan
  • · Amnesty International
  • · Ana Press
  • · Arab Foundation for Development and Citizenship
  • · Arab Working Group for Media Monitoring
  • · Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI)
  • · Article 19
  • · Asharq Center (Saudi Arabia)
  • · Assyrian Human Rights Network
  • · Bahrain Centre for Human Rights (BCHR)
  • · Bahrain Human Rights Society (BHRS)
  • · Bahrain Youth Society for Human Rights ( BYSHR )
  • · Cairo Institute for Human rights Studies (CIHRS)
  • · Canadian Journalists for Free Expression (CJFE)
  • · Center for Civil Society and Democracy in Syria
  • · Cham Center For Democratic and Human Rights Studies
  • · CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  • · Damascus Center for Human Rights Studies (DCHRS)
  • · Development for People and Nature Association (DPNA)
  • · Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (EMHRN)
  • · Freedom Foundation (Yemen)
  • · Front Line Defenders
  • · Gathered Lawyers Kobani
  • · Gulf Centre for Human rights (GCHR)
  • · Humanist Institute for Cooperation with Developing Countries (Hivos)
  • · Human Rights Watch (HRW)
  • · Institute for War & Peace Reporting (IWPR)
  • · International Center For Supporting Rights and Freedoms
  • · International Media Support (IMS)
  • · International Institute for Nonviolent Action
  • · Iraqi Institution for Development
  • · Iraqi Intuition for the Civil Development
  • · Iraqi Journalists Rights Defense Association (IJRDA)
  • · Iraqi Network for Social Media
  • · Itana for Documentation
  • · Jordanian Commission for Democratic Culture (JCDC)
  • · Kurdish Organization for Human Rights and General Freedom in Syria (DAD)
  • · L’Association Saharaouie des Victimes des Graves Violations des Droits de l’Hommes Commises par l’Etat Marocain (ASVDH)
  • · Lawyers for Lawyers (L4L)
  • · Maharat
  • · Media International Support (IMS)
  • · Monitor of Human Rights in Oman
  • · Monitor of Human Rights on Saudi Arabia
  • · My Right Syrian Organization for Woman And Children
  • · Nooraldine Zaza Cutural Centre- Iraqi Kurdistan
  • · Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
  • · Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
  • · Palestinian Center for Development and Media Freedoms (MADA)
  • · PAX for Peace
  • · PEN International
  • · Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • · Samir Kassir Foundation - SKeyes Center for Media and Cultural Freedom
  • · Syrian Al Karama Media Center
  • · Syrian Center for Legal Studies and Research
  • · Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM)
  • · Syrian Network for Human Rights
  • · Syrian Observer
  • · Syrian Women for Development
  • · The Day After Association
  • · Violation Documentation Center in Syria (VDC)
  • · Yemen Organization for Defending Rights & Democratic Freedoms
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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412