Call for Papers--Radical Increments: Toward New Platforms of Engaging Iraqi Studies (New York, 27-28 February 2015)

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Call for Papers--Radical Increments: Toward New Platforms of Engaging Iraqi Studies (New York, 27-28 February 2015)

By : Jadaliyya Reports

 Radical Increments: Toward New Platforms of Engaging Iraqi Studies

Columbia University
New York

27-28 February, 2015

The rift between theory and application in Iraqi studies has grown over the past three decades, with Iraqi scholarship curtailed at home due to geographic isolation during the Iraq-Iran war, dearth of funding and faltering of infrastructure during the embargo years, sectarian violence in the post-2003 phase, and funding sources in the west channeling knowledge to achieve strategic geopolitical ends. The result in many cases has been the production of scholarship on Iraq that falls short of looking closely at informal networks of practice and their relational dynamics with the state and civil society.  

Moreover, until the army of the Islamic State (IS) seized control of Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city, in June 2014, scholars interested in the literature and culture of Iraq were inevitably drawn to Baghdad—the capital city, the fabled city, the Round City, the city of The One Thousand and One Nights—the seemingly timeless epicenter of Iraq’s history, culture, and power. It is now possible to ask if the capital city was ever as central to the making and maintenance of Iraqi national identity as it was once assumed to be. As Baghdad’s central authority diminished amidst the violence and fragmentation of the 2003-2014 decade, what became of the distinct expressions of ‘Iraqi culture’ associated with the city?  Why do individuals and communities that are linguistically, religiously, administratively, and now geopolitically severed from the influence of the national center continue to identify as ‘Iraqi’?

`Radical incrementalism` is a process wherein existing frameworks of knowledge are not paradigmatically changed but rather modified, extended, or repositioned to allow for new possibilities of application and action. Applying this conceptual framework, the conference encourages the creation of new platforms of engagement with the current Iraqi debacle, platforms that may generate a provisional meta-framework for the making of  `engaged theory` tailored specifically for the Iraqi case.  

We seek to create an informed space to address the following questions in a manner that bears practical utility. Possible questions include:

--Can we chart out new Iraqi social formations in the midst of the dismantling/departure of old ones? For example, what is the relationship between centers and peripheries of cultural production in post-2003 Iraq? How does regional literary and artistic output negotiate its identity as the centrality of Baghdad diminishes?

--How do we theorize for the coming of the cultural, political, and religious margins to the center and vice versa, such as the upward mobility of the migrant Shi‘i communities of the Sadr City [former Saddam City] near Baghdad, the political marginalization of former Ba‘th Party affiliates, etc.?

--What new lenses can we use to examine the informal communities of practices that defy the former homogenized characterizations of Iraqi society of the 20th century?

--How do we approach the study of Iraqi minorities, especially ones that are on their way to becoming endangered or fully displaced from the former nation-state after the infiltration of IS, such as Iraq’s Christian and Yezidi communities? 

--What Iraqi communities, cultures, and practices are at the interface between the Global North and South or Western and Eastern processes and ideas that could make innovation in theorizing about Iraq possible (for example, how do we characterize the differences between the U.S. and Russian influences on the articulation of Iraqi modernity)?

--Are there intermediary bodies that are slowly shifting institutional power strategically and progressively (might Kurdish government and cultural sphere fall under such scrutiny)?

--How do environmental concerns, global and local, figure into the new socio-political equation in Iraq (the revival of the Iraqi marshes in the south, petroleum politics, etc.)? 

In sum, how close can we get to providing functional maps of how the Iraqi people are acting--or might act--with each other locally and transnationally to create relational engagement between state, civil society, and the private sphere? 

Submissions from various disciplines in the humanities and social sciences are invited. We especially welcome contributions that endeavor to theorize for practical course of action on a collective scale. Please send abstracts of 200 words to Professors Muhsin al-Musawi of Columbia University (ma2188@columbia.edu) and Yasmeen Hanoosh of Portland State University (yhanoosh@pdx.edu) by November 25, 2014.  We will be in touch shortly thereafter to confirm participation.  If your abstract is accepted, please ensure that your paper is prepared with an eye towards publication, as selected papers will be chosen to contribute to a special issue of the Journal of Arabic Literature. We expect almost completed papers by the time of the conference (Feb 27-28). Participants are requested to ensure their personal or institutional funding for their trip and lodging.   

Conference Co-organizers

Professor Muhsin Al-Musawi
Professor Yasmeen Hanoosh
Abeer Shaheen

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412