Civil Society Call for the Protection of Libya's Democratic Transition

[Image from the \"I am Tawfik\" Facebook page.] [Image from the \"I am Tawfik\" Facebook page.]

Civil Society Call for the Protection of Libya's Democratic Transition

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was issued by members of Libya`s civil society.] 

Libya’s transition since 2011 has been a difficult path to follow; riddled with instability and violence. Libyans and the international community alike did not anticipate much of what has come to pass, rendering the country in constant flux and continual deterioration putting democracy, freedom, human rights at stake. 

Nearly four years since the uprising, Libya’s trajectory may still be rectified. If not motivated by the potential that Libya and Libyans have to produce peaceful conditions in which they can exist and prosper, then let us be motivated by the need to put an end to the chaos which has resulted in the proxy wars playing out in Libya, the daily dangers ordinary Libyans are forced to contend with, and the violent targeting of Libya’s remaining security, justice experts, and civil society members including political activists, human and women’s rights advocates, and youth.

The true element of success that was heralded in 2011 came from the collective nature of the offensive that was garnered by Libyans and its international allies against a despot regime. This same spirit must be invigorated in order to restore stability in Libya and pave the way forward. 

The undersigned civil society actors have come together to call for the support and focus required of us all at this stage.

Civil Society Call for the Protection of Libya`s Democratic Transition

It has been three years since the Libyan Uprising of 17 February when Libyan men and women from all walks of life and ideologies, young and old, inside the country and abroad came together in unprecedented unity to overthrow the brutal, four decade dictatorship.

But in this period, the success of the revolution has failed to manifest itself into Libya’s successful transition to democracy. One misstep after another has led us to a present state of polarization, warfare and near anarchy. The fractured reality on the ground is a complete perversion of the noble ideals of the 17 February revolution for which so many sacrificed their lives.

The voices of ordinary Libyans whose only desire is to live in freedom, peace, security and prosperity have been drowned out by the sound of explosions and gunfire for too long and threatened by kidnapping, torture and murder, or forced displacement. To reverse the perilous course our country is on and in the spirit of the national unity that bound us before, we, citizens of Libya, putting aside our regional, political and ideological differences would like to reclaim control of our path as a nation by pledging our commitment to the following fundamental principles:

  • The integrity and protection of Libya’s sovereignty including the security of its citizens, borders, government and civilian property, state infrastructure and natural resources.
  • The recognition and support of Libya’s nascent democratic institutions, including the newly elected House of Representatives, the Government and the Constitutional Drafting Assembly as the sole, legitimate  representatives of the Libyan people as determined by the democratic process.
  • The disassociation and unequivocal rejection of any defunct or new political body or individual claiming political legitimacy and leadership of the Libyan people outside of the democratic process.
  • The transparency, accountability and active participation of all members of the House of Representatives and other government bodies to faithfully serve the Libyan public and perform their duties in a secure environment free of intimidation.
  • The rejection of  militias and any armed groups be they tribal, regional, or religious, operating outside of direct, government command.  Efforts must be employed to disarm, disband, and reintegrate these groups into society.
  • The commitment to the rebuilding and strengthening of Libya’s security apparatus including the national army and police force.
  • Peaceful political settlement through inclusive dialogue for all parties willing to respect and conform to the rules of the democratic process, while renouncing all forms of violence, abuse and religious extremism to achieve political objectives.
  • Rejection of all forms of terrorism  inside and outside Libya.
  • Recognition and the protection of human rights in Libya.

We, the undersigned citizens of Libya deem these points to reflect our collective, national interest and to serve as a universally acceptable, non-partisan rallying point for all patriotic Libyans to join in the process of rebuilding our country in accordance with the democratic ideals of 17 February.

It is an undeniable fact that Libya’s revolution against the dictatorship would have never succeeded if not for the unfettered support of the international community. But after a three year spiral into the current state of violence and chaos, it is clear that neither will its transition. 

We call upon the international community to aid us in our present struggle against those wishing to forcefully derail our democratic aspirations while falsely claiming revolutionary legitimacy. We did not endure the pain and sacrifice of war to trade one dictatorship for another. True legitimacy can only be achieved through the democratic process and we will continue to fight for this cause. 

We ask our international allies to unequivocally support this effort through tangible deeds that clearly uphold and further the above stated principles. Given the unfolding geo-political events and threats gripping the Middle East and North Africa,  the emergence of Libya as a stable, secure nation is no longer just in the interest of its citizens, but critical to the security and stability of the entire region. We thank your for your continued engagement and efforts in helping us achieve this end.  

Signed,

Ayat Mneina, Libyan Youth Movement

Ayman Grada, Libyan Youth Voices

Faraj Najem, Libyan Academic

Fatima Hamroush, Former Minister of Health  (2011-2012)

Hassan Al-Amin, Human Rights Activist

Huda Abuzeid, Rashad Foundation

Libyan American Organization

Phoenix Libya

Rima Bugaighis

Shahrazad Kablan, Activist

Wafia Sayf, Volunteer Libya

Zahra’a Langhi, Libyan Women’s Platform for Peace


المجتمع المدني يَدْعو إلى حماية الانتقال الديمقراطي في ليبيا

لقد مرّت ثلاث سَنَواتِ منذ انتفاضة السابع عشْرِ من فبراير، عندما قام رجالِ ونِساءِ ليبياِ من كافة الخلفيات الثقافية، شيبا وشبابا، داخل البلادِ وخارجها بالثورة لإسْقاط نظام دكتاتوري دام لأكثر من أربع عقود.

لكن بعد هذا النجاح المبدئي، واجهت مسيرة التغيير في ليبيا إشكاليات كبيرة صعبت من عملية الانتقال الديمقراطي وإرساء قواعد الدولة الوطنية القائمة على القانون والنظام.  الان ليبيا تعاني من الاستقطاب الأيديولوجي الحاد وبدأت تدخل في نفق الحرب الأهلية والفوضى.  لقد شكلت هذه الاحداث انتكاسة كبيرة للمبادئ التي قامت من أجلها ثورة 17 فبراير، وضحى من أجلها الالاف من أبناء ليبيا.

لقد تم اسكات الليبيين المطالبين بالالتزام بالقيم النبيلة التي قامت من أجلها الثورة، عبر الخطف والتعذيب والاغتيال، أو التهجير القسري.  يجب علينا أن نتحرك من أجل توحيد الصف مرة أخرى واشعال روحِ الوحدةِ الوطنية التي رَبطتْنا قبل ذلك خلال أيام الثورة.   لذا نحن، مواطنو ليبيا، ندعو إلى تجاوز اختلافاتنا الأيديولوجيةَ والقبلية والجهوية والمطالبة باسترداد كافة مقدراتنا كأمة موحدة ذات سيادة واستقلال، وذلك من خلال التعهد والالتزام بالمبادئَ الأساسيةَ التالية:

● التمسك بوحدة ليبيا وسيادتها الكاملة على كافة أراضيها وحماية حدودها ومواطنيها ومواردها الطبيعية وبنيتها الأساسية والمحافظة على أملاك الدولة والمواطنين.   

● الاعتراف والدعم الكامل للمؤسسات الديمقراطيةِ الناشئةِ، ويشمل ذلك مجلس النوابِ المنتخب، والحكومة المعينة من قبل مجلس النواب، وهيئة صيَاْغَة الدستور كالممثل الشرعي الوحيد للشعبِ الليبيِ.

● الرفض التام وعدم الاعتراف بأي كيان سياسي منتهي الصلاحية أو أي كيان جديد يَدّعي شرعيةً سياسيةً ويحاول قيادةَ الشعبِ الليبيِ خارج قواعد العملية الديمقراطية.

● إلزام أعضاء مجلس النواب المنتخب بالالتزام بالشفافية وتحمل المسؤولية التي تقع على عاتقهم تجاه الناخبين، وتفعيل اليات الرقابة والمحاسبة الكاملة أمام الشعب، وفي المقابل يجب توفير الظروف المناسبة لكي يقوم أعضاء مجلس النواب والحكومة بتأدية واجباتَهم في بيئة آمنة خالية مِن التهديد والابتزاز.

● عدم الاعتراف وحل كافة الميليشيات القبلية والجهوية والدينية التي تَعمل خارج إطار سلطة الدولة باسم الشرعية الثورية.  يجب التأكيد على دمج عناصر المجموعات المسلحة في مؤسسات الدولة الأمنية والعسكرية أو الانخراط في مختلف مناحي الحياة الاقتصادية والسياسية في المجتمع الليبي والمساهمة في بناء الدولة المدنية الحديثة التي نصبو اليها.  

●التأكيد على أن القوة العسكرية هي حكر للدولة فقط، والمطالبة بإعادة بناء المؤسسة العسكرية وأجهزةِ الأمن الرسمية في ليبيا وفق عقيدة وطنية.

●استئناف عملية الحوارِ الشاملِ لكافة الأطرافِ السياسية الليبية الملتزمة باحترام قواعدِ العملية الديمقراطيةِ، ونبذ العنف والتحريض على الكراهية

●الرفض الكامل لكل أشكال الإرهاب في داخل ليبيا وخارجها.

●   التأكيد على ضمان تعزيز وحماية حقوق الأنسان في ليبيا.

 نحن المواطنون الليبيون الموقعون أدناه نؤمن بأن البنود المذكورة أعلاه تحوز قبولا عاما لدى غالبية افراد الشعب الليبي بغض النظر عن خلفياتهم السياسية والثقافية، كما أن هذه المبادئ تعكس مصلحتنا الوطنية وتمثل نقطة التقاء نتجمع حولها للبدء في تصحيح مسار التغيير واستئناف عملية بناء ليبيا.

والآن وبعد مرور ثلاث سنوات من العنف والاقتتال الداخلي والفوضى فقد أصبح واضحا أن الإنتقال الى مرحلة الدولة الديمقراطية المنشودة يتطلب  من المجتمع الدولي التعاون مع السلطات الليبية الشرعية فقط.

وعليه، فإننا إننا ندعو الجميع إلى توخّي المسؤولية في وضع حدّ لأولئك الذين يرغبّونَ في قرصنة السلطة 
والانقلاب على المبادئ الديمقراطية باستخدام القوة والإرهاب تحت مسمّى الشرعيةَ الثوري

إن الشعب الليبي لَمْ ينتفض في ثورة فبراير ويتحمّلْ الألمَ وتضحيات الحربِ من أجل اسْتِبْدال دكتاتورية بأخرى. فالشرعية الحقيقية يُمْكِنُ فقط أَنْ تُنجَزَ عبر العملية الديمقراطيةِ، ونحن عازمون على مواصلة الكفاح من أجل إرساء قواعد الدولة الحديثة والعبور بليبيا إلى بر الأمان.

وفي الختام نأمل من حلفاء ليبيا الدوليين دعم هذا الجهد بشكل صريح من خلال الأعمال الملموسة التي تدعم بشكل واضح وتعزز المبادئ المذكورة أعلاه.

هذا وفي أجواء المناخ السياسي الحالي، نود أن نؤكد بأن تأمين الأمن والإستقرار في ليبيا لا ينعكس إيجاباً ومباشرةً على استقرار دول شمال افريقيا وحوض البحر المتوسط فحسب، بل أن تردداته تشمل كامل إفريقيا وبقية دول العالم.

نشكر لكم استمرار تعهدكم والجهود المبذولة في مساعدتنا على تحقيق هذه الغاية."
 

التوقيعات

آيات إمنينة، حركة شبابنا الليبي

د. أيمن قرادة، صوت شباب ليبيا

حسن الأمين، ناشط حقوقي

ريما بوقعيقيس

زهراء لنقي، منبر المرأة الليبية من أجل الســلام

شهرزاد كبلان، ناشطة

د. فاطمة الحمروش، وزيرة الصحة سابقا

د. فرج نجم، اكــــاديمي ليبي

فينيكس ليبيا، تنمية المجتمع

هدى أبوزيد، مؤسسة رشــاد

وافية سيف، منظمة التطوع لأجل ليبيا

المنظمة الليبية الأمريكية

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412