Turkey Media Roundup (December 9)

[Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Ankara, December 2012. Image by www.kremlin.ru, via Wikimedia Commons.] [Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Ankara, December 2012. Image by www.kremlin.ru, via Wikimedia Commons.]

Turkey Media Roundup (December 9)

By : Turkey Page Media Roundup Editors

[This is a roundup of news articles and other materials circulating on Turkey and reflects a wide variety of opinions. It does not reflect the views of the Turkey Page Editors or of Jadaliyya. You may send your own recommendations for inclusion in each week`s roundup to turkey@jadaliyya.com by Sunday night of every week.]

English

“New Turkey,” Democracy, Authoritarianism

Balance Makes the Ballerina According to Taha Meli Arvas, the lack of a strong opposition is a concern for Turkish democracy, not the “authoritarian turn” that Western news outlets currently seem to argue.

Eurocentrism as a Poor Excuse Joost Lagendijk comments on the intellectual support of the AKP: “It is sad to see that intellectuals in Turkey are preparing themselves to follow the bad example set by their Russian counterparts by legitimizing a clear power grab as some sort of intellectual freedom fight.”

An Agenda Not Easy to Manipulate Cafer Solgun claims that the government tries to hide the most pressing issues (such as corruption allegations and the Kurdish settlement process) from the scrutiny of the public eye.

No CHP-HDP Election Alliance in Sight Şikri Küçükşahin thinks that contrary to expectations, the CHP and HDP would not engage in an open election alliance.

AKP’s Latest Victimhood Cengiz Aktar wonders how the founders of the victimhood discourse will answer to recently developed political and social issues.

Turkey’s Pro-Erdoğan Media Purge Mustafa Akyol analyzes the reasons behind the pro-government media purge, allegedly ordered by Erdoğan.

Turkey Drifting Towards Irrationalism According to Serkan Demirtaş, the government’s attempts at “raising religious generations” have been the crux of the country’s irrational politics.

Why Are Turkish Men Paying Out of Their Noses to Be Exempt from Military Service? Güven Sak tries to understand the high demand for paid military service in Turkey.

’Bug’ Indictment Wears Out Its Welcome Analyzing the indictment regarding the wiretapping device seized at the office of former Prime Minister Erdoğan, Bülent Korucu argues that the indictment falls short of substantiating the alleged crimes.

Turkey Plummets on Corruption Indexes Pelin Cengiz writes about the two recent reports on the perception of corruption in Turkey published by the Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen`s Association (TÜSİAD) and Transparency International (TI).

Mystery Remains on Status of Turkish Corruption Inquiry Tülin Daloğlu writes about the strong resentment against the gag order on the corruption inquiry among journalists and legal experts.

Corruption Optimi Pessima İbrahim Türkmen claims that the AKP failed to keep its promise to ensure a country free of “corruption, poverty and prohibitions.”

Prominent Islamic Scholar Accuses AKP of Corruption Mustafa Akyol appreciates and furthers the critique of Hayrettin Karaman, a prominent Islamic scholar, regarding corruption allegations.

Turkish Nuclear Energy Plants vs. Transparency Lale Kemal discusses the eco-politics behind the planned construction of nuclear power plants in Turkey.

The Ten Percent Electoral Threshold & the Constitutional Court

Constitutional Coup Yusuf Kanlı argues that although the ten percent electoral threshold is a violation of justice and a breach of rights, it is not in the competency of the Constitutional Court to change it.

The Election Threshold and the AKP İhsan Yılmaz reminds us that the ten percent election threshold is a result of the 1980 military coup.

Constitutional Court as the New ‘Coup’ HQ Mustafa Akyol reports that the Constitutional Court’s agenda of lowering the ten percent threshold is condemned as yet another “coup attempt” against the AKP.

Haşim Kılıç Had Previously Defended the Threshold Aldülkadir Selvi complains about the “political interventions” of the Constitutional Court and questions the neutral stance of Haşim Kılıç, the head of the Constitutional Court, regarding the ten percent threshold.

It`s Something Other than the Election Threshold… According to Markar Esayan, the debates around the electoral threshold in fact aim to sabotage the peace process and the 2015 elections.

Will the Top Court Trigger a New Crisis? Commenting on the Court’s “interven[ing] in the 2015 elections,” Taha Ozhan argues that the Constitutional Court has a greater power to undermine democracy today than before.

Will the Constitutional Court Seize Political Life? Akif Beki argues that the Constitutional Court bypasses the Parliament and political institutions via its judicial power.

Constitutional Court and Rulership Tension… Ali Bayramoğlu argues that the Constitutional Court’s decision will inevitably be a political decision rather than a legal one.

Putin’s Visit / Turkey-Russia Relations

Putin and Erdoğan, the Odd Couple Facing the West İlknur Çevik reports that the President Erdoğan welcomed Vladimir Putin and they were set to bring Turkey-Russia relations to new heights, in spite of their political differences on Ukraine and Syria.

Turkey and Putin’s Cunning Plan Amanda Paul reports that Russia wants Turkey—replacing Bulgaria—to become its partner for an alternative pipeline to carry its natural gas to Europe.

Turkey Should Be Cautious in Gas Deal with Russia Serkan Demirtaş warns Turkey about the regional and global consequences of a potential cooperation with Russia for carrying its natural gas to Europe through Turkey’s soil.

Putin, Moscow’s Kievskaya Station and Erdoğan According to Hasan Kanbolat, it is very likely that the Turkish construction sector will play an important role in Putin’s attempts to rebuild Crimea.

Putin’s New Horizons and Democracy! Cem Küçük criticizes the attempts to compare Erdoğan to Putin in terms of his authoritarianism.

Who Did Erdoğan and Putin Strike Fear into? According to İbrahim Karagül, the partnership between Turkey and Russia generates not only economic and commercial concerns but also new geopolitical calculations in the West.

Turkey and Russia: Promises and Limits of a Partnership İbrahim Kalın argues that Turkey and Russia would benefit from developing a cooperation on energy and resolving conflicts on their foreign policies towards Crimea and Syria.

The Current State of Turkey`s Relations with Russia Osman Can draws attention to the parallels between Turkey and Russia.

The Pope and Putin in Turkey Ozan Ceyhun argues that the visits of the Pope and Putin demonstrate that Turkey is becoming an outstanding political actor in international relations, which, according to him, should push the EU to reconsider Turkey’s membership.

Russia and Turkey: New Horizons, New Solutions Cemil Ertem suggest that the trading cycle between Russia and Turkey, and between Iran and Turkey, will approach a volume of around $200 billion.

The Turks and the Russians: Business as Usual Mustafa Aydın reminds us that NATO has stated its expectations from Turkey to join the sanctions against Russia on the same day of Putin’s visit to Turkey.

Putin`s Visit and the New Energy Chessboard Sadık Ünay comments that despite stark political differences about Syria and Ukraine, Turkey and Russia are brought together by their existential needs to import and export vitally important energy resources.

Pope’s Visit

On What Pope Francis Saw in Turkey (1)-(2)  Markar Esayan argues that Pope Francis found Turkey`s foreign policies fairer than those of the US and EU, and that is why he preferred to call Turkey "a constructor of peace."

Reinforcing Interfaith Dialogue Emre Gönen suggest that the most striking dimension of the Pope’s visit was the declaration made by him regarding the  humanitarian help extended by Turkey to almost two million refugees from Syria and Iraq.

Who Is the Pope, Who Is the Ecumenical Patriarch? Orhan Kemal Cengiz points out that the AKP differentiates tremendously in its treatment of the religious leaders of the Orthodox and Catholic sects of Christianity.

Pope Francis Hopes for Better Ties between Turks, Armenians Semih İdiz reports that Pope’s “dream” was to see the Turkey-Armenia border reopened and to contribute to reconciliation between the two estranged nations.

Peace and Reconciliation Process

Uncertainties in the Peace Process Doğu Ergil lays out the recent developments in the peace process, noting the vagueness of terms and conditions.

What Did Öcalan Say About an Observer? Abdülkadir Selvi discusses the meaning of Öcalan’s messages and the changes in the delegation that visits Öcalan in İmralı.

Did the PKK Withdraw its Threshold Condition for Kurdish Peace? Murat Yetkin speculates that the PKK might have dropped the demand for a decrease in the ten percent threshold in elections.

What Does Öcalan’s `Self-Criticism` Mean? Orhan Miroğlu aims to decipher Öcalan’s statement with regards to the cease-fire, general elections, and PKK-Öcalan relations.

Dersim Massacre / “Alevi Opening”

Pandora`s Box Is Opened for Confrontation Nagehan Alçı comments that the Dersim Massacre is an open wound that constantly challenges the attachment that many Kurds and Alevi citizens feel for Turkey.

How to Fit the Alevis into ‘New Turkey’ Mustafa Akyol argues that the ideology of the AKP, which is evolving into the “official ideology” of the “New Turkey,” makes it rather difficult address the demands of Alevis.

It’s Not Just About Cemevis, Diyanet Remains the Problem Özgur Korkmaz points out that Diyanet, the Presidency of Religious Affairs, remains the main obstacle to an Alevi opening since it serves only the Sunni majority in Turkey.

AKP Continues with Cosmetic Reforms for Alevis Orhan Kemal Cengiz argues that not only by denying cemevis the status of places of worship, but also by forcing Alevi children to get mandatory religious lessons, Turkey ignores the fundamental rights of Alevis.

The Alevi Barrier to the Alevi Initiative Etyen Mahçupyan argues that the real problem in the Alevi opening is that the subgroups within the Alevi community have disagreements and deeply-rooted enmities between them.

The ECtHR and Alevis Beril Dedeoğlu reports that the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled last week that Turkey is violating Alevis` human rights.  

Foreign Policy

Ankara Remains Powerless in the Middle East Semih İdiz argues that while it is clear that ISIL has sympathizers in Turkey, and possibly even among some members of the state apparatus, it is difficult to believe that the government has an active but covert policy of providing assistance to this group.  

Lonely or Not? Suat Kınıklıoğlu comments on Turkey’s increasing isolation in international relations as a result of President Erdoğan`s authoritarian policies and controversial foreign policies regarding Syria.

Normalization of Turkey-Iraq Relations Yasar Yakış reports that Prime Minister Davutoğlu’s visit to Baghdad may give new impetus to Turkey-Iraq relations.

New Opportunities to Compensate for Setbacks in Foreign Policy Yahya Bostan provides the reader with a comprehensive overview of Turkey`s foreign policy regarding its relations with Syria, Iraq, Russia, the US, and the EU.

Turkey’s War in Libya “The Turkish government denies that it is taking sides in Libya, between the governments in Tobruk and Tripoli,” writes Fehim Taştekin.

And Here Comes Iran Verda Özer argues that Turkey might become more engaged in the international coalition against ISIS after Iran’s participation in the coalition since Turkey is in a regional rivalry with Iran.

EU, European Economic Area and Turkey According to Aydın Barış Yıldırım, Turkey’s membership in the European Economic Area would provide net gains for everyone while circumventing all the problems associated with accession to the EU.

Much Ado About Little in Foreign Policy Abdullah Bozkurt criticizes the AKP government for signing an increasing number of bilateral deals which contain little in terms of substance and value.

EU and Turkey: Time for a New Roadmap Amanda Paul argues that there is an urgent need for the EU to re-engage and develop a new strategy for Turkey’s membership.

Syria / Kobane

Latest ISIS Attack on Kobanê Implicates Turkey Once More İskender Doğu discusses the implication of an alleged involvement of the Turkish government in the recent IS attack on Kobane.

Washington Still Says ’No’ to No-Fly Zone Ömer Taşpınar talks about the stubborn point of divergence between the US and Turkey.

Anti-IS Coalition`s `Train-and-Equip` Program Not Enough Metin Turcan details the training efforts in Syria provided by the anti-IS coalition and Turkey.

Turkey and the Divided Syrian Opposition Joost Lagendijk questions the viability of a free-zone in terms of its potential negative outcomes for Tukey.

Turkey Not Expected to Revise Syria Policy According to Semih İdiz, “[w]hatever the truth may be, Syria continues to be a `messy` affair for Ankara, even if it is not prepared to revise its policies.”

Turkish

“New Turkey,” Democracy, Authoritarianism

‘Üst akıl’ı bilmem ama bu akılla sonumuz felaket: Ya faşizm ya çözülüş Nuray Mert argues that the AKP’s “New Turkey” will lead either into fascism or a breaking down of the AKP.

‘Paralel Devlet’ Niye Safsatadır? According to Şahin Alpay, the government attempts to install an all-abiding judicial power through creating the conspiracy of a parallel state in the judicial ranks.

‘Laik-Dindar Çatışması’nın Yerini Ne Aldı? Mümtaz’er Türköne frames the conflict between the Gülen movement and the government as the clash between civic and political sphere as replacing “the old clash between laicism and religion.”

İyi niyetliysen "makul şüphe"lenilmesi zoruna gitmez mi? Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu criticizes the fact that the domestic security package will enable the police and the gendarmerie to search anybody or any vehicle without a court order if they arouse a “reasonable doubt.”

Bazen AK Amberin Zaman purports that it is important to point out the good practices of the government, and tone down anti-Erdoğanism, in order to ease the tension in the country.

Ak rejimin kültürel bataklığı Dağhan Irak claims that the AKP has failed to break the cultural dominance and create one of its own.

Netanyahu ile ne farkınız var? İhsan Çaralan underlies the similarities between Israel and Turkey in terms of political practices shaped in accordance with explicit religious references.

Alevilerin yargı zaferi Ali Kenanoğlu analyzes the meaning and importance of the European Court of Human Rights’ verdict regarding Alevi rights in Turkey.

Muhafazakar demokratlıktan radikal İslamcılığa: Tehlikenin farkında mısınız? Nuray Mert claims that the country is experiencing a transition from conservative democracy to radical Islam.

Dedelerimizin mezarları Cem Erciyes sees the planned incorporation of Ottoman Turkish to the high school curriculum as purely ideological.  

Zorunlu/ bedelli askerlik Ümit Kardaş, a retired military judge, calls for a technological and ideological reform in the military instead of occasionally allowing for paid military service.

Yeni yargı paketi Neyzen Tevfik misali: Sazlarda tel değişti, yumruk yine o yumruk Kemal Şahin argues that the newly passed domestic security bill in fact aims to change the members of the Supreme Court and State Council in order to attack the Gülen community.

Barışın inşacısı olarak Türkiye... Markar Esayan thinks Turkey now has an even bigger responsibility and mission to work towards peace in the region.

Yayın yasağının çözümü medya özdenetimi İsmail Çağlar offers a solution to cases of media censorship in Turkey: self-regulatory boards.   

Yayın yasakları demokrasiye engel Özden Cankaya discusses the reasons why gag orders are barriers to democracy.

The Ten Percent Election Threshold

Yüzde 10 barajı 12 Eylül’den kalma Mehmet Kamış accuses Erdogan of forgetting the fact that that the ten percent election threshold is a product of the 12 September military coup.

Gölge boksu veya ‘mış gibi’ yapmak A. Turan Alkan argues that the ten percent election threshold benefits only the AKP and MHP.  

Yüzde 10 sancısı Mustafa Ünal argues that although the Constitutional Court took the possibility of lowering the ten percent election threshold into its agenda, it is very likely for the Court to make a radical decision.

Seçim, Baraj ve Kamuoyu Yoklamaları (1)-(2) Sezgin Tüzün reports that if the Constitutional Court finds the election threshold as a rights violation, 2015 elections would be held with a “zero threshold.”

Yine, yeniden seçim barajı Bekir Ağırdır argues that the election threshold is not legal but a political question; thus whatever decision the Constitutional Court makes, it will be necessarily political.

Seçim sistemine dair öneriler ne anlama geliyor? (1)-(2)-(3) Bekir Ağırdır analyzes the existing election system, addresses its problems, and evaluates the suggestions for a new election system.

Baraj According to Murat Belge, the AKP government shares in common with the 1980 military coup regime the project of shaping an “ideal Turkey” with “ideal citizen subjects.”

İktidar değil, mağdurusunuz! Kenan Kırkkaya argues that the AKP will try to create yet another victimhood image for itself in order to legitimize the election threshold.

Bu terazi bu kadar sıkleti çekmez Altan Öymen argues that with the current state of politics in the country, the election threshold is no longer sustainable.

Putin’s Visit / Turkey-Russia Relations

10 soruda Putin`in Türkiye ziyareti Hakan Aksay explains Putin’s visit to Turkey in ten steps.

Putin`in ziyareti Ankara-Moskova hattına nasıl yansır? Fatih Özbay argues that Putin will use his visit to Turkey as a “show of force” against the West.

Putin`le Erdoğan: "Cikmaz sokak"ta yoldaslik Cengiz Çandar argues that cooperation with Russia would not provide Turkey with any “strategic benefit” because any convergence with Russia will necessarily mean diverging Turkey from the EU.

Kötü bir bahane: Avrupa merkezcilik Joost Lagendjik draws attention to the parallels between Russia and Turkey in terms of their authoritarian governments and lack of democracy.

Erdoğan’ın Avrupa Birliği’ne alternatif Rusya planı… Hasan Cemal argues that Erdoğan has developed a “Russia plan” as an alternative to the EU.

Putin’in Türkiye hamlesi Fatih Polat comments that Putin’s Turkey visit was a strategic decision in order to develop alternative partnerships, since he is isolated by the Western powers.

Rusya ve Türkiye Sezin Öney argues that both Erdogan and Putin have the “we know what is the best for you” attitude towards minorities in their countries.

Rusya’yla göbek bağı Hadi Uluengin argues that a potential partnership between Turkey and Russia will increase the authoritarian tendencies in Turkey.

Peace and Reconciliation Process

Öcalan`dan tarihi taslak Ali Barış Kurt discusses the details of the plan provided by Öcalan with a member of the delegate and HDP deputy Sırrı Süreyya Önder.

Kürde dayanmayan Türklük biter Adil Bayram claims that the continuation of an anti-Kurdish tone in Turkish politics will lead to grave outcomes, if not prevented by the rise of a new politics.

Sorun zihniyet sorunudur (1) - (2) Hüseyin Ali calls for an immediate change in how the government perceives the peace process and demands implemented policies rather than mere rhetoric.

Siyaseti yükseltmek Erol Katırcıoğlu points to the importance of maintaining a political environment where the demands of both parties are being negotiated.

Asya Abdullah: Türkiye saldırıya açıklık getirmeli Asya Abdullah, co-chairman of the PYD, asks the Turkish government to shed light on the IS attack that came from within Turkey’s borders.

Öcalan`ın taslağı bu devlete uyacak mı? Ezgi Başaran expresses concerns over the reception of Öcalan’s plan by the government.

Barış ve çözüm diyalektiği kaos ve darbe mekaniği Veysi Sarısözen discusses the importance of the HDP’s decision to enter the general elections as a party, unlike the previous practice of nominating individual candidates.

Bu kanlı hesabı,İmralı’daki doğru hesap bozar! According to Ayşe Batumlu, all democratic forces in the country should actively advocate for the continuation of the peace process.

Süreci provokasyondan kurtarmak... Fehim Işık warns against provocations aiming at halting the peace process.

‘Çözüm süreci’, yüzde 10 barajı ve seçim İhsan Çaralan discusses the ties between debates around the election threshold and the peace process.

Diyalog yeniden kuruldu ama çözümde yol alınacak mı... Ender İmrek wonders whether the continuation of dialogue between parties would mean meaningful progress in the peace process.

İmralı ile Kandil arasında çelişki yok, olsa olsa nüans var Mete Çubukçu purports that the perspectives of Öcalan and the PKK regarding the process do not differ in major ways.

Syria / Kobane

Alo siloda kim var? Asker değilse karşılık vereceğiz! Fehim Taştekin writes about the two different perspectives on the recent IS assault on the PYD, which came from within Turkey`s borders.

Mürşitpınar`da ne oluyor? Ahmet İnsel points to the importance of shedding light on what has been happening in Mürşitpınar, the border city where the IS assault on the PYD came from.

AKP yine suçüstü yakalandı! According to Besé Hozat, the IS assault happened under the tacit allowance of Turkish government.

Türkiye IŞİD’le kurucu ülke mi olacak? Seydi Fırat questions whether the AKP government’s leadership goals in the region involves alliances with the IS and Al-Nusra.

Antep devrim üssü olursa Fehim Taştekin discusses the possibility of Antep, a southeastern city near the Syrian border, being a center for “moderate” forces in Syria.

Women’s Rights

Şiddetle yüklü erkek paradigmasının temel direği Tayip Erdoğan According to Zilar Stérk, the dominant patriarchal discourse in Turkey is supported and sustained by Erdoğan’s frequent statements on gender issues.

Fıtratı ve eşitliği fiziksel güce indirgemek Hüda Kaya purports that Erdoğan reduces the discussion of disposition and equality to physical differences between men and women.

Eşdeğer mi eşit mi? Responding to Erdoğan’s statements, Nilay Etiler attempts to decipher the rhetorical difference between “equal” and “equivalent” status.

İşçiler: Ya ölün, ya aç kalın! Kadınlar: Ya ölün ya erkeğe kul olun! Oya Baydar claims that the government’s message to workers is a choice between “dying or starving,” while women are given the choice of either “dying or being subject to men.”

Economy

Güvencesizlik ve Soma: Tazminatı kim-nasıl verecek? Murat Özveri discusses workers compensation in Turkey, with particular attention to survivors of the Soma massacre.

Devlet lüks saray yaptırınca yoksulluk azalmadı (1) - (2) - (3) Süleyman Yaşar argues that the poverty figures do not show any change: food prices increase and export figures decrease, while the budget continues to be spent on luxurious expenditures.

Şevket Pamuk: 2007 sonrası partiye yakın zengin bir zümre yaratmak en büyük ekonomik hedef oldu Ezgi Başaran’s interview with economist Şevket Pamuk on the reasons and consequences for the growth in the construction sector in Turkey.

İsteyen 2003-2007 ile avunadursun biz gerçek duruma bakalım (2) Fatih Özatay continues to interpret the differences in economic figures between the 2003-2007 and 2008-2013 periods.

Other Pertinent Pieces

"Fotoğrafı Kaldırmak" A short video, titled “Holding Up the Photograph,” produced by the Truth Justice Memory Center about the experiences of women whose husbands were forcibly disappeared. The written report can also be found on "Holding Up the Photograph.”

"Misafir" söylemini bırak, mülteci haklarına bak! Nurcan Baysal lists negative outcomes of Syrians in Turkey being framed as “visitors” as opposed to refugees.

Ermeni ders kitaplarında 1915 (1)-(2)-(3)-(4)-(5) Taner Akçam traces the depiction of the 1915 Armenian Genocide and Turks in Armenian school textbooks.

"Mülteci" olarak tanımamanın bedeli Ahmet İnsel warns against the potential future problems of denying refugee status to Syrians in Turkey.

Eleştirel bir dindarlık ihtiyacı Mücahit Bilici calls for critical perspectives in religious thinking.

SPoD LGBTİ: Hem özgürlük hem eşitlik istiyoruz (Evet, parti de yapıyoruz) An interview with SPoD on LGBTİ rights and political struggle in Turkey.

Sitelerin "koruduğu" hayatlar Güneş Başat’s interview with Biray Kolluoğlu on “site” (i.e. a building complex) on why they are prefered and the future generations raised in these environments.

Yeniçerilik, zorunlu ve bedelli askerlik, vicdani ret Ayşe Hür historicizes paid military service and conscientious objection.

Published on Jadaliyya

Expropriation, Lawlessness, and Resistance in Yirca`s Olive Groves: An Interview with Olcay Bingol and Deniz Bayram

Yerellik ve Evrensellik arasinda Rojava deneyimi

Armenian Diaspora Tourism in Turkey: An Interview with Anny Bakalian

The Poverty of Moral Answers to Political Questions: On Perceptions of Islam in the Wake of ISIS

Epohi Interview with Jadaliyya Co-Editor Ziad Abu-Rish on the Emergence of ISIS and Regional Ramifications

New Texts Out Now: Nazan Maksudyan, Orphans and Destitute Children in the Late Ottoman Empire

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The Chronicle of Higher Education Interviews Jadaliyya Co-Founder Bassam Haddad

The following interview was conducted by Ursula Lindsey with Jadaliyya Co-Editor Bassam Haddad in preparation for a feature about Jadaliyya for The Chronicle of Higher Education. The feature was published on 29 September 2014 and can be accessed by clicking here.

Ursula Lindsey (UL): Could you send me any statistics on the readership of Jadaliyya? I would like to get a sense of the overall size of the readership, and how it is geographically distributed.

Bassam Haddad (BH): We have become much less interested in numbers after having passed an important threshold in 2013, but we do not totally ignore them! Unfortunately (because one would like to see an alternative), the best indicator of the growth and expansion of readership has been “Facebook Reach,” which increased from around fifty thousand per week during the first six months in 2010–2011, to one million in 2012–2013, and surpassed 2.3 million in 2014. We actually stopped monitoring such numbers as closely, but know that our social media and classroom presence continues to increase steadily as our Facebook followers have surpassed 130,000. These followers are pretty active in circulating our content, and constitute a large part of how Jadaliyya content is disseminated. Twitter is another indicator. However, we refrain from tweeting too much, as shown by our tweets-to-followers ratio—which is perhaps among the highest (9900 tweets and twenty-seven thousand followers), at about thirty percent. The closest we have seen in our field is about forty-five to fifty percent. This reflects the extent to which each post/article, and/or tweet, is generating interest. It is important to note that our Arabic reading audience, world-wide but mainly in the region itself, has quadrupled since 2011, and now constitutes almost thirty to thirty-five percent of our readership, a testimony to how local informed readers elect to turn to Jadaliyya frequently—largely because our writers on local matters are either writing from the region or are intimately connected with the region.

As to other forms of tracing numbers, such as unique visitors, they seem quite inconsistent because the extent to which Jadaliyya is read not only via Android, iPhone, and iPad apps, but also because of the unusually large level of circulation of PDFs via huge email lists (which we are on and we see!) and, most importantly, its ubiquitous presence on syllabi (for instance, our unique visitors to the site hover around 500,000 a month, while most read Jadaliyya off line via email, PDF, or apps). Our Middle East scholars/educators/researchers list, now combined with that of Tadween Publishing, our sister organization, tops eight thousand engaged Jadaliyya readers who are increasingly assigning material from Jadaliyya.

The reason this happens is not only because we have good content. There is plenty good content if one searches the net carefully. Rather, it because of four very specific reasons: first, our good content has a long shelf-life, an outcome that is built into the editorial process; second, Jadaliyya content serves as an explicit resource or reference, through twelve topical and country/region-specific Media Roundups, profiles and archival posts for reference use, as well as weekly pedagogical reviews of new books, films, documentaries, art exhibits, and relevant social media items; third, Jadaliyya, in conjunction with Tadween’s blog, has become the space that most educators/researchers constantly visit for matters related to academic freedom, publishing, and higher education in the region as well as the United States and Europe; finally, our Jadaliyya content is selectively tapped to produce books and pedagogical publications that are published by Tadween Publishing and other publishers like Palgrave and Pluto Press, giving more gravity, and more longevity, to Jadaliyya content. One important source of such readers is JADMAG, of which we have so far produced five issues geared to educators, and chock-full of resources that are compiled and categorized at the end of each issue. (see www.JadMag.org or www.TadweenPublishing.com for more information). 

This source of readership is constantly expanding as Jadaliyya seems to be the only available site for such content (now quadro-lingual), and is our litmus test and what keeps us on our toes from day to day. The reason we emphasize this source in relation to numbers and quality is because the population of students reading Jadaliyya material based on educators’ choices is increasing exponentially at times, and serves as our most consistent source of readership with time especially that newcomers from that sphere become loyal readers. 

It is no surprise that the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) consistently sends us their critical public letters to publish when they want to reach the broader academic and research/journalist communities, including beyond the United States. It is not something you see consistently on any other website. And this applies to various other organizations that would like to reach the same expansive cohort (based in the United States, Europe, or the Middle East), including the new Arab Council for the Social Sciences (ACSS).

Our colleague and professor of Arabic literature at Brown University, Elias Muhanna, who also runs his own popular blog, Qifa Nabki, commented openly at a conference that he does not know a professor teaching the modern Middle East who does not have a variety of Jadaliyya articles on their syllabi—an honor that ranges from rare to unique when it comes to similar online publications. 

UL: We discussed stories that caused particularly strong debates, and you mentioned the critique of DAM`s video. Are there any other pieces that sparked debates?    

BH: Just to clarify, this last piece sparked more than a debate, as some folks where actually unhappy with the approach—though we are still in good communication with the concerned parties (e.g., DAM) given our approach to the matter. The pieces that sparked debate, discussion, and the like are actually many, and I am not sure it would be fair to single out a handful. However, the notable pieces that drew heated debates and attention revolve around the July coup in Egypt, or around the nature of the Syrian uprising. But this is almost a continuous variable, and still sparks heated discussions that reflect the polarization on these matters among concerned publics. Nonetheless, we continue to get serious engagement—even if sometimes a bit over the top—from detractors on various topics, from Palestine and Syria, to articles on sexuality, Islam, and even literature and film. The fact that detractors of the entire publication continue to engage and critique reveals a sense of legitimacy that even this cohort associate with Jadaliyya. For a critical publication, this is priceless, and we think we will fail if we do not maintain that level of quality and legitimacy.

UL: What are the most common criticisms or suggestions for improvement your get? Do you think they are valid? Where do you see room for improvement? When I last saw Jadaliyya Co-Editor Sinan Antoon in Cairo, he said, for example, he thought the site might publish less so as to focus more on the quality of the writing. 

BH: Oh, dear, there are all kinds, and so many of which come from us, the editors, given that various page teams are relatively autonomous. Our position on critique is simple: we ignore any critique at our own peril. This does not mean that all criticisms are equally valid. They are not. It does, however, mean that we take them seriously and assume their validity until we can illustrate otherwise to ourselves and to others. In most instances, critiques do include a modicum of validity, and our responsiveness to nearly every single significant line of critiques (based on a compilation) is the reason we keep growing in quality and numbers. We surely miss some, and we surely make mistakes even in assessing critiques—but these represent a minority of cases within our practice. Based on what we have heard, we see room for improvement in soliciting even more writing from the region; in working harder to get more pieces from the scene, on intractably controversial matters, like Syria; and we agree that we, like any successful publication, can get too comfortable with its status quo of readership and contributors. But questions like yours, and internal discussions based on similar observations, push us on a quarterly basis to make a deliberate and explicit effort to reach out. This is in fact why we dramatically expanded the Arabic section (in terms of readership and contributors) during the past two years. 

All in all we operate on a five-year plan of sorts (despite the problematic association with five-year plans). At this point, as we are still in our fourth year, we are establishing ourselves as a serious and perhaps the go-to publication for informed readership. But you will soon see some changes that will expand our scope and spice things up a bit in a productive direction, at a time when we need not worry as much about the basics and daily operations. Our challenge, actually, is to maintain the essentially voluntary-based nature of Jadaliyya. Therefore, much of what we have focused on during the first years of establishment involves building the best team there is, or what we think is such, under these circumstances. It is a continuing challenge, but it has been working since 1992 when the parent organization, the Arab Studies Journal, started.

As to the question of quantity verses quality, we exercise a mean purge every quarter, precisely to avoid the false impression that quantity is synonymous with quality. Surely, we fail here and there. However, the one development since 2013 has been the reduction of the output rate—which we view as having been somewhat unavoidable as this is how you connect with new readership and contributors in the early stages—from about 175 pieces per month to about 110-120 (though this includes all posts and reports, etc.). But this challenge continues, and—frankly—we hold ourselves to standards that are not observed in comparable publications that either focus on one country, or one approach (e.g., Foreign Policy), or one audience, or one language, or one discipline, etc. So we have to make up our own standards for a new kind of publication. All this takes time, and we welcome any criticism that allows us to meat our challenge. We are not sensitive to productive critique at all! We will fail without it. 

UL: You mention detractors of the site—any examples?

BH: Every new initiative gives rise to critics, and that is a good thing. What is interesting about Jadaliyya’s critics, most of them at least, is that they critique and stick around for the most part—largely because of what they tell us verbatim at times: “We expect more from Jadaliyya,” or something of the sort. Now the question of who these critics are depends on the issue, and often our biggest critics on one topic are our biggest fans on another. Syria is a good example where we get flack from both pro-opposition corners and anti-opposition corners, but you would find avid readers of other Jadaliyya pages among both varieties. Do we have critics that do not think Jadaliyya is worth reading at all? You bet! There is very little we can do to convince those voices otherwise. Having said all of that, the fact is that Jadaliyya has filled a gap and presented a centrifugal force around which critics of mainstream discourse on the region in the United State and beyond hover. That in and of itself has generated detractors. 

UL: It seems to me that Jadaliyya has a pretty clear, consistent identity, both in its politics and its theoretical orientations. The people who edit and write it are generally the same age and peer group, and many have known each other for a long time. Do you think you have a wide enough variety of views? Do you feel like Jadaliyya has been able to spark debates outside of a community of like-minded contributors and readers? 

BH: [One factual note: the editors and contributors are by no means of similar age or belong to similar social circles—not after 2011, regarding the latter comment, and have never been, regarding the former comment. We have had more than a thousand contributors and the Jadaliyya team surpasses eighty people living in different countries now. Any cursory view of any fifty consecutive posts reveals a variety that easily surpasses most comparable publications. As for views, it is a political challenge, not always a question of diversity. See below.]

This is the one-million dollar question. Yes, any good publication must struggle with this dialectic of building a readership based on a particular kind/nature of knowledge production, but then expanding it to attract new readership and contributors while retaining the reason for its success. Are we guilty of not doing this perfectly? Absolutely. Have we gone far beyond most other publications to allow for serious internal differences and reach out to new and alternative views? Absolutely. But that does not exhaust the question. As mentioned above, we are in the building stage, and we view a good part of the shortcomings as related byproducts. However, this is one of our fundamental goals as we enter and complete our fifth year, and it will not come without its risks, risks we are very happy to take. Most importantly in reference to sparking discussion or debates, Jadaliyya articles have been written about and discussed in conferences and in social media in ways that have actually jump-started broader research questions and helped set research agendas—not to mention the impact of Jadaliyya on the carriers of junior writers who make their debut there and then get picked up by other institutions who are hiring, paying, and producing knowledge. The list is pretty long.

Having said that, two comments are relevant here. First, we are not and do not pretend to be an open forum for all views. Though I suspect you recognize that and you are not asking about why we do not highlight and invite problematic (racist, sexist, classist, etc. writers), but rather, from within the perspective we support, we may still afford more variety—and that is totally fair, and the above addresses our need to meet this challenge in increasingly better ways.

The second comment is political, and refers to the context within which Jadaliyya and other publications emerged in recent years. We see ourselves as a counter-discourse in relation to the dominant and quite entrenched discourse on the Middle East in the United States primarily, but also beyond. We also see ourselves in the same manner in relation to the petro-media empire of some Arab states. In this context, we are trying to provide an alternative reference point for sound daily analysis on the region. To establish that difficult reality and standard, we have had to be more focused on consistency and quality, sometimes at the expense of maximum diversity. So, we are not, per se, seeking diversity of “views” in the absolute sense, which is a matter/goal that speaks more to liberal concerns that are often divorced from realities of power and its direct relation to dominant discourses. However, where we have room to improve on this particular point, which is how we understand your question, is to establish even more diversity “within” the “general” perspective we endorse. And, yes, we do have some work to do in that respect, but not always for lack of trying. We are fighting an uphill battle and we also have to pay attention to the challenge of dragging everyone along while expanding this spectrum (i.e., the million-dollar challenge/question above). The years ahead will speak louder than any words regarding our genuine interest in making this happen within the context of a counter-discourse movement.

Also, we do not pay our writers, and this restricts us by excluding many careerist writers who might have provided a diversity of sorts despite differing views.

Finally, it is important to note that beyond the essentials, we have ongoing viewpoint disagreements within Jadaliyya regarding content and particular pieces. We think it is a testament to the absence of a rigid conception regarding which particular views are welcome.

UL: Finally, there is an argument that young academics should focus on scholarly work and publication and not "waste" their ideas and time on writing for web sites and other venues. How do you respond to that? 

BH: We totally agree in principle, considering the kind of online publications and quality that proliferates. And whereas we would give the same advice, we cannot ignore the fact that the strategic position of Jadaliyya within the academic community can be a plus for rising academics who would like to be read and heard. Last year alone, several folks within and outside Jadaliyya remarked to us how valuable their Jadaliyya contributions were in capturing the attention of employers/academics in the hiring process. This semi-exception is borne out of the fact that Jadaliyya has indeed become the go-to place for academics generally, despite what this or that observer can say, sometimes legitimately, about the quality of this or that post. We just have to make sure that this continues to be kept to a minimum in the coming five, or ten, years!

So, in short, it depends. In the case of Jadaliyya, publishing there can be used strategically to enhance one’s chances of getting an academic job. We used to think that this was not the case before we were told otherwise by employers and during academic interviews. Used properly, it can be a plus, and this is not confined to Jadaliyya, as there are a number of quality publications out there. The world is changing, and the academic community is following suit, even if at a few steps behind.

UL: Are you planning on publishing anything soon on Obama`s war on ISIS?

BH: Yes, we have published a number of pieces addressing the rise and nature of ISIS, in both Arabic and English, and, beginning the week of 22 September, our fourth anniversary incidentally, we are publishing a regular media roundup specifically on ISIS-related articles. Stay tuned!