Shame on Those Who Try to Justify Giulio Regeni’s Assassination: A Letter by Gilbert Achcar

[Giulio Regeni] [Giulio Regeni]

Shame on Those Who Try to Justify Giulio Regeni’s Assassination: A Letter by Gilbert Achcar

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[This letter by Gilbert Achcar, Professor at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, was originally published in Italian in Il Sole 24 Ore, as a response to public discussions regarding the case of the late Giulio Regeni. The English version appeared in Open Democracy.]

Several articles in the Italian press–by journalists and others with no experience or knowledge of research in the Middle East–have suggested that Giulio Regeni’s supervisors bear responsibility for sending him into a dangerous situation, alleging that they knew that it would put his life at risk. These are preposterous claims and those who make them are both irresponsible and despicable.

They are irresponsible because one does not make such a serious accusation–of having deliberately sent someone to death–without having full knowledge of the situation and holding irrefutable proofs. And even if you believe that you hold such proofs–if you are not part of a lynch mob, but a person who respects the basic tenet of justice under the rule of law according to which everyone is innocent until proven guilty–you raise questions instead of making straightforward accusations, as long as guilt has not been officially established.

The accusers are despicable as well because they lack a sense of human empathy. They do not take into account the feelings of supervisors confronted with the massive tragedy of the loss of their student, a person whom they have known well and with whom they have had long hours of exchanges over several years. Instead, they accuse the supervisors of bearing responsibility for the murder. In doing so, they act like journalists who publicly accuse parents of being responsible for the death of their child when they have no real clue about it and no guilt has been established in any way.

In the specific case of Giulio Regeni, the accusatory behaviour is all the more irresponsible and despicable since it is based on a total ignorance of research conditions in Egypt and Giulio Regeni’s research in particular. I happen to have known Giulio personally: after finishing his master’s degree at Cambridge, he contacted me in 2012 to prepare his PhD under my supervision. We exchanged emails and had talks about his research proposal. Giulio wanted to study the new independent labor movement in Egypt. I found this to be a perfectly reasonable project on which he already had good knowledge. He submitted a PhD application to my university requesting me as supervisor, and I accepted it.

That was in early 2013. In June of that same year, Giulio wrote me that he had not been able to secure funding for his PhD studies, and had to give them up temporarily. He was writing from Cairo, where he worked with the Ministry of Industry together with UNIDO, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization. Giulio was not “sent” to Egypt into an unknown land to do research assigned to him by some supervisor, as so many cheap journalistic comments claimed, but was determined to conduct research on a topic on which he had already accumulated findings, in a country with which he was quite familiar, and where he had lived for some time before he finally registered for a PhD in 2014, back at Cambridge, his alma mater.

I personally know several other students in various universities who have worked or are presently working on PhD theses on the topic of the Egyptian labor movement. That is to say that there was absolutely nothing extraordinary in Giulo Regeni’s research. It was not like, for example, wanting to undertake research on ISIS in ISIS-controlled territory! Add to this that supervisors’ relationships with PhD students are those of academic advisors to adult researchers, not those of school teachers to teenagers who need authorization from their parents in order to take part in a school trip. Supervisors moreover do not control their students’ movements by locating them permanently through their smartphones! So whatever the circumstances under which Giulio was assassinated, it is completely outrageous to blame his supervisors for his murder. 

Moreover, since Giulio was an intelligent twenty-seven-year old young man, such accusations boil down to putting the blame for his assassination on no one but himself. If Giulio had knowingly and willingly been risking his life, even if he was asked to do so by others, this would mean that, as an adult, he bears responsibility for his own death. This is a classic case of victim-blaming. I have read unbelievable statements in the Italian press by people who ignore everything about Giulio’s research topic and make claims that could have been issued directly by the Egyptian security services.

This is shameful. The spectacle of representatives of European governments acting as unscrupulous salesmen queuing to pay visits to dictators is disgusting enough. Instead of contributing to exculpating the same dictatorships, European journalists ought better to uphold the values of freedom, democracy and justice on which Europe claims to be based.

  • ALSO BY THIS AUTHOR

    • Long Form Podcast Episode 8: Resigning the State Department Over Gaza With Hala Rharrit

      Long Form Podcast Episode 8: Resigning the State Department Over Gaza With Hala Rharrit

      In this episode of Long Form, Hala Rharrit discusses the factors that led her to resign from the US State Department, the mechanisms by which institutional corruption and ideological commitments of officials and representatives ensure US support for Israel, and how US decision-makers consistently violate international law and US laws/legislation. Rharrit also addresses the Trump administration’s claim that South Africa is perpetrating genocide against the country’s Afrikaaner population, and how this intersects with the US-Israeli campaign of retribution against South Africa for hauling Israel before the ICJ on charges of genocide.

    • Emergency Teach-In — Israel’s Profound Existential Crisis: No Morals or Laws Left to Violate!

      Emergency Teach-In — Israel’s Profound Existential Crisis: No Morals or Laws Left to Violate!

      The entire globe stands behind Israel as it faces its most intractable existential crisis since it started its slow-motion Genocide in 1948. People of conscience the world over are in tears as Israel has completely run out of morals and laws to violate during its current faster-paced Genocide in Gaza. Israelis, state and society, feel helpless, like sitting ducks, as they search and scramble for an inkling of hope that they might find one more human value to desecrate, but, alas, their efforts remain futile. They have covered their grounds impeccably and now have to face the music. This is an emergency call for immediate global solidarity with Israel’s quest far a lot more annihilation. Please lend a helping limb.

    • Long Form Podcast Episode 7: Think Tanks and Manufactuing Consent with Mandy Turner (4 June)

      Long Form Podcast Episode 7: Think Tanks and Manufactuing Consent with Mandy Turner (4 June)

      In this episode, Mandy Turner discusses the vital role think tanks play in the policy process, and in manufacturing consent for government policy. Turner recently published a landmark study of leading Western think tanks and their positions on Israel and Palestine, tracing pronounced pro-Israel bias, where the the key role is primarily the work of senior staff within these institutions, the so-called “gatekeepers.”

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412