Sevan Nisanyan icin izan talep ediyoruz! / The Sevan Nisanyan Question

[Sevan Nisanyan. Image via change.org] [Sevan Nisanyan. Image via change.org]

Sevan Nisanyan icin izan talep ediyoruz! / The Sevan Nisanyan Question

By : Jadaliyya Reports

Sevan Nişanyan için izan talep ediyoruz! / The Sevan Nişanyan Question

[This petition was first published on 28 February 2016. For more information, or to sign the petition, click here. More information about Sevan Nişanyan’s court case can also be found here. The English text has been lightly edited for stylistic purposes.]

Sevan Nişanyan iki yılı aşkın bir süredir cezaevinde. Kesinleşmiş toplam cezası 11,5 yılı aştı. Henüz sonuçlanmamış diğer davalarla birlikte bu sürenin yakın zamanda 25 yılı aşma ihtimali var.

25 yıl az değil! Bir ömrün üçte biri...

Topluma, bireye, çevreye ya da doğaya zarar veren kişiler elbette cezalandırılırlar; ne de olsa her topluluk var olabilmek için kendini kötülüklerden korumak zorundadır.

On küsur yıla mahkûm olduğuna ve bu süre 25 yıla çıkabileceğine göre, Sevan Nişanyan bu topluma geri dönüşü olmayan çok çok büyük kötülükler yapmış olmalı... Akıl ve mantık böyle söylüyor. Çünkü katiller bile bu kadar ceza almıyor.

Sevan Nişanyan ne kötülük yapmıştır da yaşamının geri kalan yıllarını cezaevinde geçirmeye mahkûm edilmiştir? Yaptıklarını sayalım:

Sevan Nişanyan, Şirince’de güzellik üstüne güzellik yaratmıştır. Ve sadece güzellik yaratmıştır. Yüzlercesi gibi yok olmaya yüz tutmuş eski bir Rum köyünü yaşatmakla kalmamış, köyü ihya etmiş, dünyaya, ülkemize ve turizme bir değer kazandırmış, Şirincelilere ekmek kapısı açmıştır.

Şirince’nin sırtında İlyastepe adında, tek katlı beş on kerpiç evden oluşan küçük bir köy yaratmıştır. Mutlaka gidilip görülmesi gereken yerlerden biridir, âdeta bir masal âlemi.

Doğaya ve canlıya zarar vermemiştir, tek bir ağaç kesmemiştir, tek bir hayvan doğramamıştır. Hatta tam tersine; yaptığı konutlar etrafını saran yeşillikten yüz metre öteden fark edilmemektedir. İlyastepe bugün bir kuş cennetidir. Domuzundan keçisine, ördeğinden tavus kuşuna kadar onlarca hayvan türüne ev sahipliği yapmaktadır.

Başlı başına birer mimari başyapıt olan Matematik Köyü ve Tiyatro Medresesi’yle eğitim ve kültür hayatımıza çok önemli katkıları olmuştur.

Bugüne kadar eşi benzeri olmayan kapsamda bir Türkçe etimolojik sözlük hazırlayarak Türkçeye ve bilim dünyasına büyük değer katmıştır.

Anadolumuzun köylerinden şehirlerine kadar binyıllardır değişen yer adlarının öyküsünü ve tarihini iğneyle kuyu kazarak yıllar süren bir çalışma sonucu bir araya getirmiştir.

Yanlış Cumhuriyet adlı kitabıyla ve sarsıcı çıkışlarıyla düşünce ve algı dünyamızı zenginleştirmiştir.

Bütün bunlardan rant da elde etmemiştir. Nitekim bugün Sevan Nişanyan’ın ne bir evi, ne bir arabası, ne de bankada beş kuruş parası vardır.

Kimsenin kılına zarar vermemiştir. Kimseyi işinden, eşinden, aşından, yerinden yurdundan etmemiştir. Tam tersine, Şirince halkı Sevan Nişanyan sayesinde turizmden elde ettiği gelirle gayet mutlu yaşamaktadır.

Ve Sevan Nişanyan daha nice güzel, yararlı ve doğru işler yapmıştır da, 25 yıllık mahkûmiyeti hak edecek ne kötülük yapmıştır?

Sevan Nişanyan imar yasasına muhalefet, çevre kirliliği yaratmak, mühür bozmak gibi suçlardan hüküm giymiştir. Kaçak ve çirkin inşaattan geçilmeyen ülkemizde bu yasalardan dolayı cezaevinde olan bildiğimiz kadarıyla bir başka mahkûm daha yoktur.

Olağanüstü mimari güzellikler yaratan Sevan Nişanyan, hiçbir estetik kaygı gözetilmeden inşa edilen ucube adalet saraylarında yargılanarak hüküm giymiştir! O adalet sarayları yok olsa insanlık hiçbir şey kaybetmez, ama Sevan Nişanyan’ın yaptığı evlerden birinin yıkılması bir cinayettir.

Sevan Nişanyan’ı hapse atarak sadece kendisini değil, araştırma yapmasını da engelleyerek Türkiye’yi ve insanlığı eserlerinden mahrum ediyoruz.

Sevan Nişanyan’ın asıl suçu, görevini yapmayarak halkını umursamayan devlete isyan etmektir, yani sivil itaatsizliktir.

Devlet, 30 küsur yıl önce Şirince’yi tarihi sit alanı ilan etmiştir ve böylece köyde çivi çakılmasını yasaklamıştır. Bu gibi durumlarda devlet bir yıl içinde yeni imar yasasını yürürlüğe koymak zorundadır. Çünkü o yörede vatandaş yaşamaktadır ve vatandaşın doğal ihtiyaçları vardır. Oğlu evlenir, ek oda yapmak gerekir. Ahırı yıkılır, onarmak gerekir. Damı akar, aktarmak gerekir. Güneşten korunmak için gölgelik, keçiden korunmak için çit, soğuktan korunmak için bilmem ne yapmak gerekir. Gel gelelim devlet 30 yıldır bu imar planını çıkarmayarak vatandaşını ve ihtiyaçlarını umursamamaktadır.

Vatandaş tabii ki gerekeni yapmıştır ve yapmaktadır. Yani tüm Şirince halkı suç işlemiştir; halen de işlemektedir. Devlet, Şirince halkını çaresiz bırakarak suç işlemeye teşvik etmiştir.

Sevan Nişanyan’ın suçu, yaptığını gizli gizli değil, alenen yapmasıdır. Yani cumhurbaşkanından en basit vatandaşa kadar hepimizin yaka silktiği bürokrasi dediğimiz kontrolden çıkmış canavara meydan okumasıdır. Sevan Nişanyan doğrusunu yapmıştır. İkiyüzlülüğe yeltenmemiştir. Rüşvete tenezzül etmemiştir. Korkmamıştır. Kötülüğün üstüne üstüne gitmiştir.

İşte budur suçu.

Kabul! Kabul ediyoruz, Sevan Nişanyan’ın bu yaptığı suçtur. Bürokrasiye meydan okunmaz!

Suçtur da cezası ne kadardır? Bir yıl? İki yıl? O da olmadı beş yıl! Ya 15 yıl? Ya 25 yıl?

Hadi adalet yok, hadi akıl mantık yok, hadi vicdan da yok. Peki ya izan da mı yok, bir parça da mı yok?

Ali Nesin

--

Biz aşağıda imzası bulunanlar, toplumun her kesiminin vicdanını kanattığına inandığımız Sevan Nişanyan sorununa mutlaka bir çözüm bulunmasını talep ediyoruz. Önerilerimiz:

1) Devletin sorumluluğunu yerine getirmediği durumlarda suçlu vatandaş değil devlet olmalıdır. En azında bu durumlarda vatandaş ceza almamalıdır.

2) Kültür Bakanlığı Sevan Nişanyan’ın Şirince’de yaptığı mimari eserleri korunması gereken kültür varlıkları olarak tescil etmelidir.

3) Özgürlüğüne kavuşana kadar Sevan Nişanyan`ın cezaevinde çalışmasına ve üretmesine izin verilmelidir.

Saygılarımızla.

İlk imzacılar:
Ali Nesin, A. Haluk Ünal, Abdullah Çelikaslan, Abdullah Demirbaş, Acar Ataseven, Adnan Aksel, Ahmet Aykaç, Ahmet İnam, Ahmet Şekercioğlu, Akın Atauz, Akın Birdal, Akif Kurtuluş, Alev Ok, Ali Bayramoğlu, Ali Fikri Işık, Ali Işıksalan, Ali Rıza Görener, Arif Dirlik, Asaf Savaş Akat, Ateş Kemal Doğan, Atilla Dirim, Atilla Zenciroğlu, Attila Tuygan, Ayça Örer, Aydın Engin, Ayla Sumer İşler, Ayşe Batumlu, Ayşe Erzan, Ayşe Hür, Ayşegül Sönmez, Azad Barış, Aziz Gökdemir, Babür Pınar, Balam Kenter, Barış Özkul, Barış Pirhasan, Barzan Demirhan, Baskın Oran, Bektaş Elçin, Bilge Selçuk, Bülent Keneş, Bülent Küçükaslan, Bület Tekin, Cengiz Aktar, Cihat Daşkıran, Cumhur Öner, Cüneyt Cebenoyan, David Barsamian, Davut Erkan, Demir Küçükaydın, Denis Ojalvo, Deniz Ilgaz, Derya Yetişgen, Dogan Özgüden, Edip Yüksel, Eflan Topaloğlu, Elçin Öz, Elif Köksal, Engin Ender Çetin, Ercan İpekçi, Erdağ Aksel, Erdal Doğan, Erdal Yıldırım, Erden Kosova, Eren Keskin, Erol Özkoray, Esra Arsan, Etyen Mahçupyan, Ezel Akay, Fatih Vural, Fatime Akalın, Fatma Dikmen, Ferhat Kentel, Fikret Başkaya, Fuat Keyman, Fusun Erdoğan, Gaye Boralıoğlu, Gençay Gürsoy, Gökçe Altunay, Gökhan Karahan, Gül Gökbulut, Gülçin Avşar, Güliz Vural, Güngör Şenkal, Habib Taşkın, Halil Savda, Hasan Cemal, Hasan Gürkan, Hasan Kaya, Hasan Zeydan, Hayati Şener, Hicri İzgören, Hilmi Maktav, Hilmi Tezgör, Hovsep Hayreni, Hrant Kasparyan, Hüseyin Alataş, Hüseyin Ergun, Işık Yenersu, Işın Önol, İbrahim Eke, İbrahim Köroğlu, İbrahim Seven, İlkay Alptekin Demir, İnci Aral, İnci Tuğsavul, İrfan Açıkgöz, İsmail Beşikçi, İzzet Yaşar, Kadir Akın, Kadir Cangızbay, Kamil Yıldırım, Kemal Çalğan, Kenan Yenice, Khatchig Mouradian, Koray Çalışkan, Lale Alatlı, Lale Mansur, Ludmilla Danisenko, Mahmut Konuk, Maya Arakon, Mehmet Bal, Mehmet Demirok, Mehmet Ördekçi, Mehmet Özer, Mehmet Öztürk, Mehmet Uluışık, Meral Saraç Seven, Metin Solmaz, Mihail Vasiliadis,  Murat Kuseyri, Murat Meriç, Murat Toklucu, Mustafa Sütlaş, Mustafa Yasacan, Mustafa Yetişgen, Muzaffer Erdoğdu, Muzaffer Karadeniz, Müjde Tönbekici, Nabi Yağcı, Nadya Uygun, Necati Abay, Necmi Demir, Necmiye Alpay, Nilüfer Göle, Nilüfer Tarikahya, Noam Chomsky, Nur Sürer, Oktay Etiman, Onur Hamzaoğlu, Orhan Bas, Orhan Pamuk, Orhan Silier, Oya Aydın, Oya Baydar, Ömer Elaçmaz, Ömer Madra, Ömür Çınar Elçi, Önder Bayram, Özcan Soysal, Özcan Soysal, Özgür Öğret, Özlem Beyarslan, Özlem Yağız, Pakrat Estukyan, Perihan Mağden, Pınar Ömeroğlu, Raffi A. Hermonn, Ramazan Gezgin, Recep Maraşlı, Rıdvan Bilek, Rıdvan Günay, Robert Cabı Akman, Sait Çetinoğlu, Samim Akgönül, Seçkin Yaşar, Selahattin Esmer, Selda Asal, Selina Doğan, Semra Somersan, Serdar Kaya, Serdar Koçman, Serra Yılmaz,  Sevilay Demirci, Sibel Asna, Sibel Özbudun, Şaban İba, Şahin Alpay, Şanar Yurdatapan, Şebnem Korur Fincancı, Tamer Çilingir, Taner Akçam, Tarık Günersel, Temel İskit, Temmuz İlhan, Tolga Yarman, Turgay Oğur, Tülay Karacaörenli, Ufuk Uras, Uğur Aker, Ümit Aktaş, Ümit Cizre, Ümit Kıvanç, Ünal Ünsal, Ünsal Dinçer, Vedia Yeşim Bayanoğlu, Vincent Bouvard, Yakup İçgören, Yalçın Ergündoğan, Yaprak Zihnioğlu, Yasin Yetişgen, Yener Orkunoğlu, Yıldıray Oğur, Yücel Demirer, Yusuf Haddadoğlu, Zeynep Tanbay, Zeynep Tozduman, Zübeyde Bilget

The Sevan Nişanyan Question

Sevan Nişanyan has been in prison for over two years now. Currently he is facing eleven and a half years in jail. This does not include other pending sentences that might increase this to twenty-five years.

Twenty-five years is no joke! It is almost one-third of one’s lifetime.

People who harm society, other individuals, the environment, or nature, are of course punished, because in order to be able to exist, the community has to protect itself from evil.

As he has been sentenced to prison for more than ten years and possibly up to twenty-five years, Sevan Nişanyan must have harmed the community very badly. Reason and logic implies this—because even murderers usually do not receive such harsh sentences in Turkey.

What evil has Sevan Nişanyan committed that he has been sentenced to what equals a life sentence? Let’s start counting:

Sevan Nişanyan has created beauty, and he has created only beauty. He has not only saved an old Greek village, which was doomed to extinction like hundreds of others before it, but revived it. He has gifted it to the world and Turkey, and has created job opportunities for the villagers of Shirince.

He has created a small village called Ilyastepe consisting of five or ten small single-floor adobe houses. It is a never-never land that must be visited.

He has not hurt nature or the environment; he has not felled a single tree, has not killed a single animal. Just the opposite: due to the vegetation he has planted, none of the houses that he has built could be seen even from one hundred yards away. Today Ilyastepe is a bird sanctuary. It is playing host to many animals, from pigs to goats, from ducks to peacocks.

The Mathematics Village and the Theater Madrasa, which are by themselves architectural masterpieces, have made immense contributions to our cultural and educational life.

He has prepared a Turkish etymological dictionary, which is of unparalleled scope and which has added great value to our world of knowledge.

He has collected and published the story of the names of Anatolian cities and villages, which for millennia have been changing.

With his book The Wrong Republic, with its shocking deliveries, he has enriched our thinking and our perception of the world.

This is his crime!

He has not gained a penny out of all this. Today Sevan Nişanyan does not own a house, or a car, nor does he have a penny in his bank account.

He has never hurt anyone. He has never separated anyone from his or her spouse, food, or home. Just the opposite: the villagers of Shirince are able to live comfortably by the income they derive from the tourism business because of what Sevan has created.

Sevan has also done many other nice things, but we ask: what evil has he committed to earn a twenty-five-year sentence?

Sevan Nişanyan has been convicted because of opposing the local zoning laws, supposedly causing environmental pollution, breaking seals placed by the authorities. In Turkey, which is full of ugly and unlicensed construction projects, we know of no other person convicted of the same crime.

Sevan Nisanyan, who has created these exceptional architectural beauties, ironically has been convicted in court buildings with no aesthetic value! If those court buildings were demolished, humanity would surely not lose a thing, but demolishing even a single house built by Sevan Nişanyan is akin to committing murder.

By throwing Sevan Nişanyan into prison, we are not only punishing him but also Turkey and the world by depriving them of his work.

Sevan Nisanyan’s real crime is revolting against the state that has ignored its people by not doing its duty: it was simply an act of civil disobedience.

The state, thirty years ago, declared Shirince a historic site and thus forbade even minor repairs in the village. In such cases, the state is obliged by law to promulgate a new construction law within a year, because citizens live in these regions and people have natural needs. For example, someone’s son might get married, so he must add a room. The barn might be damaged, so it has to be fixed. The roof leaks, so it must be fixed. He might need a place to protect himself from the sun, a fence to keep the goats away, to do something to keep warm, etc. But unfortunately the state, for the past thirty years, by not issuing this new master plan, has ignored its citizens and their needs.

Of course citizens have done whatever is needed and continue doing it. That is, all the inhabitants of Shirince have committed crimes and continue committing them. The state, by leaving no choice to the inhabitants of Shirince, has forced them to commit these crimes.

Sevan Nisanyan’s crime is that instead of doing things secretly, he has done them openly. He has been resisting the monster called “bureaucracy,” which is even hated by the president and the common folk. Sevan Nişanyan has done what is right. He has not attempted to pay bribes. He has not been scared. He has gone against evil.

We accept!

We accept that what Sevan Nişanyan has done is a crime. You must not fight the bureaucracy!

It is a crime, but what should the punishment be? One year? Two years? OK, five years? How about fifteen years? Or twenty-five?

Let us say that there is no justice, no logic, and also no conscience. How about common sense, not even a bit?

We, the undersigned, demand that a solution be found to Sevan Nisanyan’s problem.

Our suggestions are:

1) In cases when the state does not fulfill its obligations, the guilty should be the state and not the citizen. At least in such cases citizens should not be punished.

2) The Ministry of Culture should declare the architectural works of art made by Sevan Nişanyan in Shirince to be protected cultural entities.

3) Until he regains his freedom, Sevan Nişanyanshould be allowed to continue his intellectual activities and production.

Respectfully submitted,

Signatories

Ali Nesin, A. Haluk Ünal, Abdullah Çelikaslan, Abdullah Demirbaş, Acar Ataseven, Adnan Aksel, Ahmet Aykaç, Ahmet İnam, Ahmet Şekercioğlu, Akın Atauz, Akın Birdal, Akif Kurtuluş, Alev Ok, Ali Bayramoğlu, Ali Fikri Işık, Ali Işıksalan, Ali Rıza Görener, Arif Dirlik, Asaf Savaş Akat, Ateş Kemal Doğan, Atilla Dirim, Atilla Zenciroğlu, Attila Tuygan, Ayça Örer, Aydın Engin, Ayla Sumer İşler, Ayşe Batumlu, Ayşe Erzan, Ayşe Hür, Ayşegül Sönmez, Azad Barış, Aziz Gökdemir, Babür Pınar, Balam Kenter, Barış Özkul, Barış Pirhasan, Barzan Demirhan, Baskın Oran, Bektaş Elçin, Bilge Selçuk, Bülent Keneş, Bülent Küçükaslan, Bület Tekin, Cengiz Aktar, Cihat Daşkıran, Cumhur Öner, Cüneyt Cebenoyan, David Barsamian, Davut Erkan, Demir Küçükaydın, Denis Ojalvo, Deniz Ilgaz, Derya Yetişgen, Dogan Özgüden, Edip Yüksel, Eflan Topaloğlu, Elçin Öz, Elif Köksal, Engin Ender Çetin, Ercan İpekçi, Erdağ Aksel, Erdal Doğan, Erdal Yıldırım, Erden Kosova, Eren Keskin, Erol Özkoray, Esra Arsan, Etyen Mahçupyan, Ezel Akay, Fatih Vural, Fatime Akalın, Fatma Dikmen, Ferhat Kentel, Fikret Başkaya, Fuat Keyman, Fusun Erdoğan, Gaye Boralıoğlu, Gençay Gürsoy, Gökçe Altunay, Gökhan Karahan, Gül Gökbulut, Gülçin Avşar, Güliz Vural, Güngör Şenkal, Habib Taşkın, Halil Savda, Hasan Cemal, Hasan Gürkan, Hasan Kaya, Hasan Zeydan, Hayati Şener, Hicri İzgören, Hilmi Maktav, Hilmi Tezgör, Hovsep Hayreni, Hrant Kasparyan, Hüseyin Alataş, Hüseyin Ergun, Işık Yenersu, Işın Önol, İbrahim Eke, İbrahim Köroğlu, İbrahim Seven, İlkay Alptekin Demir, İnci Aral, İnci Tuğsavul, İrfan Açıkgöz, İsmail Beşikçi, İzzet Yaşar, Kadir Akın, Kadir Cangızbay, Kamil Yıldırım, Kemal Çalğan, Kenan Yenice, Khatchig Mouradian, Koray Çalışkan, Lale Alatlı, Lale Mansur, Ludmilla Danisenko, Mahmut Konuk, Maya Arakon, Mehmet Bal, Mehmet Demirok, Mehmet Ördekçi, Mehmet Özer, Mehmet Öztürk, Mehmet Uluışık, Meral Saraç Seven, Metin Solmaz, Mihail Vasiliadis,  Murat Kuseyri, Murat Meriç, Murat Toklucu, Mustafa Sütlaş, Mustafa Yasacan, Mustafa Yetişgen, Muzaffer Erdoğdu, Muzaffer Karadeniz, Müjde Tönbekici, Nabi Yağcı, Nadya Uygun, Necati Abay, Necmi Demir, Necmiye Alpay, Nilüfer Göle, Nilüfer Tarikahya, Noam Chomsky, Nur Sürer, Oktay Etiman, Onur Hamzaoğlu, Orhan Bas, Orhan Pamuk, Orhan Silier, Oya Aydın, Oya Baydar, Ömer Elaçmaz, Ömer Madra, Ömür Çınar Elçi, Önder Bayram, Özcan Soysal, Özcan Soysal, Özgür Öğret, Özlem Beyarslan, Özlem Yağız, Pakrat Estukyan, Perihan Mağden, Pınar Ömeroğlu, Raffi A. Hermonn, Ramazan Gezgin, Recep Maraşlı, Rıdvan Bilek, Rıdvan Günay, Robert Cabı Akman, Sait Çetinoğlu, Samim Akgönül, Seçkin Yaşar, Selahattin Esmer, Selda Asal, Selina Doğan, Semra Somersan, Serdar Kaya, Serdar Koçman, Serra Yılmaz,  Sevilay Demirci, Sibel Asna, Sibel Özbudun, Şaban İba, Şahin Alpay, Şanar Yurdatapan, Şebnem Korur Fincancı, Tamer Çilingir, Taner Akçam, Tarık Günersel, Temel İskit, Temmuz İlhan, Tolga Yarman, Turgay Oğur, Tülay Karacaörenli, Ufuk Uras, Uğur Aker, Ümit Aktaş, Ümit Cizre, Ümit Kıvanç, Ünal Ünsal, Ünsal Dinçer, Vedia Yeşim Bayanoğlu, Vincent Bouvard, Yakup İçgören, Yalçın Ergündoğan, Yaprak Zihnioğlu, Yasin Yetişgen, Yener Orkunoğlu, Yıldıray Oğur, Yücel Demirer, Yusuf Haddadoğlu, Zeynep Tanbay, Zeynep Tozduman, Zübeyde Bilget 

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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412