Letter to Secretary of Homeland Security Regarding Intenet to Reject US Assylum Application of Radwan Ziadeh

Letter to Secretary of Homeland Security Regarding Intenet to Reject US Assylum Application of Radwan Ziadeh

Letter to Secretary of Homeland Security Regarding Intenet to Reject US Assylum Application of Radwan Ziadeh

By : Committee on Academic Freedom (MESA)

[The following letter was issued by the Middle East Studies Association on 29 June 2017, in response to the Department of Homeland Security`s intent to reject Dr. Radwan Ziadeh`s application for U.S. asylum, despite being a well-known human rights activist.]

The Honorable John F. Kelly
Secretary of Homeland Security
245 Murray Lane SW
Washington, D.C. 20528
mediainquiry@dhs.gov

James McCament
Acting Director
U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services
mediainquiry@dhs.gov

Dear Secretary Kelly and Acting Director McCament:

We write on behalf of the Middle East Studies Association of North America (MESA) and its Committee on Academic Freedom to express our grave concern over the recent decision of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (CIS), a division of the Department of Homeland Security, to inform Dr. Radwan Ziadeh, the well-known Syrian human rights and democracy activist, that it intends to reject his application for political asylum in the United States.

MESA was founded in 1966 to promote scholarship and teaching on the Middle East and North Africa. The preeminent organization in the field, MESA publishes the International Journal of Middle East Studies and has nearly 3,000 members worldwide. MESA is committed to ensuring academic freedom of expression, both within the region and in connection with the study of the region in North America and elsewhere.

Dr. Ziadeh has been a vocal critic of the Syrian government for almost two decades; in 2009, in recognition of his work as founder and director of the Damascus Center for Human Rights Studies, MESA gave him its prestigious Academic Freedom Award. Since 2011 he has been a leading figure in the Syrian democratic opposition. Dr. Ziadeh, who has lived in the United States for ten years, has held fellowships at Harvard University, Georgetown University, New York University, George Washington University, Columbia University, the National Endowment for Democracy, the United States Institute of Peace and the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding.

In 2014 Dr. Ziadeh applied for political asylum in the United States. In its assessment of his application, conveyed in a letter dated June 2, 2017, CIS confirmed that he had a well-founded fear of persecution, including detention, torture and death, if he returned to Syria. Nonetheless, the letter concluded that Dr. Ziadeh was “subject to a mandatory bar to a grant of asylum as someone who has engaged in terrorist activity” because, “[b]y inviting and arranging for members of the FSA [Free Syrian Army] and Syrian Muslim Brotherhood to contribute to the Syrian Transition Roadmap through conferences held in November 2012 and May 2013, you have provided material support to two undesignated terrorist organizations.” This is an absurd, indeed perverse, finding. In this same period, agencies of the U.S. government were providing funding and weapons to elements of the Free Syrian Army, and U.S. government officials were in contact with leaders of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood. Moreover, the U.S. government was at the time officially supportive of the efforts of Dr. Ziadeh and his colleagues to unite the diverse factions of Syrian opposition by convening these conferences, which received funding from the Canadian government.

It is clear to us that CIS has made use of an excessively broad, vague and arbitrary definition of “material support to terrorist organizations” to deem Dr. Ziadeh ineligible for asylum in the United States. Dr. Ziadeh has obviously not offered “material support,” in any meaningful or intelligible sense of that term, to terrorist organizations, “undesignated” or otherwise, and it is clear that he fully meets the legally established criteria for political asylum. We therefore call upon you to promptly reverse this unjust decision which threatens the safety of one of Syria’s most distinguished and consistent advocates for human rights and democracy, and which makes a mockery of this country’s professed commitment to the right of political asylum.

We look forward to your response.

Sincerely yours,

Beth Baron
MESA President
Professor, City University of New York

Amy W. Newhall
MESA Executive Director  

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412