Call for Papers: International Journal of Islamic Architecture Special Issue, 'Displaced' (30 July 2019)

Call for Papers: International Journal of Islamic Architecture Special Issue, "Displaced" (30 July 2019)

Call for Papers: International Journal of Islamic Architecture Special Issue, "Displaced" (30 July 2019)

By : Jadaliyya Reports

Special Issue: ‘dis-placed’

Thematic volume planned for June 2021

Proposal submission deadline: 30 July 2019


This special issue of the
International Journal of Islamic Architecture focuses on the spatial forms and urban consequences of forced migration. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the number of displaced persons has reached 70 million, the highest it has been since the end of World War II. The popular term ‘refugee crisis’ itself conceives of the refugee as a problem: an objectified person that is denied active agency and subjected to incarceration in various types of spaces of exception. In addition to such spaces (ranging from those of incarceration to refugee camps), the ‘free’ existence of the refugee in the contemporary metropolis is marked by precarity, a quality that has become a characteristic feature of the neoliberal urban milieu.

It is not only the status, but also the spaces and movements of the refugee that exhibit precarity. The spatiality of forced migration presents a vast field of inquiry as it is possible to identify various spatial forms of refugee experience. The first of these comprises the spaces of mobility: the movement of migrants across borders occurs through particular routes displaying particular forms of spatiality. The ‘Balkan Route’ and the ‘migrant caravans’ of Central America not only transgress national borders but also produce new territorialities. The second spatial form is that of state-controlled incarceration: asylum centres, detention centres, deportation centres, transit camps, prisons, ghettos, etc. The biopolitics of nationless bodies has a spatial character which is based on organized immobility. The third spatial form is the refugee camp, which simultaneously reflects practices of refugee governance, as well as the refugees’ agency in producing the camp as social space. These nomadic spaces curiously have much in common with utopian urbanisms of post-war architectural avant-garde.

Thus, even in their precarious conditions, they have inspired artists and architects to imagine alternate spatialities. It is also worth considering the non-urban character of camps; the ‘host’ states are often unwilling to integrate refugees into their urban networks and prefer to locate them in undeveloped border areas. Thus, the refugee camps present socially as well as physically marginal conditions. Here, it should also be noted that states engage in open or covert cooperation in governing refugee mobility, for instance in the striking example of the so-called ‘PNG solution’ between Australia and Papua New Guinea where the former has built detention facilities within the latter’s territory. The fourth spatial form is the city, or rather the new urban condition under the multi-dimensional effects of forced migration. Indeed, the displaced subjectivity of urban refugees blending in as a hidden population should be considered as the symptom of the segregation, discrimination, and other forms of inequality inherent in the contemporary metropolis.

It is also crucial to consider the historical circumstances that triggered the current wave of forced migration. The recent episodes of war and destruction are closely related to the crisis of neoliberalism, the effects of which include the destruction of public space, gentrification, the emergence of gated communities, and increases in inequality in the urban sphere.

These predicaments of neoliberalization led to the global wave of mass protests in 2011–2013. These protests were responses to the impoverishment of life and took the form of Occupy movements in the Global North and were called the ‘Arab Spring’ by observers of dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa. In broad terms, these were globally connected and mutually inspired revolts against commodification and authoritarianism. There is a curious link between the figure of the refugee and the urban focus of these earlier protests. The refugee represents a generalized condition of the urban politics that marked the protests. The refugee as nomad seeks and produces new spatialities – ambiguous architectures of precarity – and in this respect s/he opens room for considering alternative urban experiences, possibilities of reimagining the city as commons.


Therefore, the refugee does indeed represent a crisis. S/he problematizes the status quo within and across borders established on the primacy of the nation-state and its regimes of governance, including the very definition of citizenship. Within this framework, the knowledge of space produced within disciplines such as geography, urban planning, and architecture is deployed to limit the movements of forced migrants across and within national borders. In response, critical scholarship also scrutinizes the sites, practices, and processes of refugee governance. Terms such as ‘hospitality,’ ‘alien,’ ‘host,’ ‘stranger,’ and ‘destination’ assume new meanings as indexes of the precarious status of the refugee.

The theme of this special issue is particularly in tune with the general scope of IJIA in two respects. The first relates to the geographies of refugee mobility and its major overlap with the transnational geography of Islam across the globe. In most cases, the recent refugee groups arriving in Europe (as well as the United States) are Muslim (or labelled so) and are met with Islamophobic hostility. The second concerns attention to design and the objective to develop dialogue between practitioners and scholars. The ethical dimension of forced migration has led practitioners to develop proposals as alternatives to refugee camps and the interaction between these works and the critical scholarship on forced migration is vital for further advance of both.

This special issue invites papers that address the spatiality of the refugee. The theme is identified as ‘dis-placed’ to underline the dialectics of refugee existence. The refugee is, by definition, displaced; but s/he is also placed in two senses. S/he finds a place to settle but is also subject to the resettlement project of power. Within this framework, topics and related limited to, the following:

1. Social and cultural aspects

  • criminal justice and migration control 
  • encounters with institutional and
  • everyday xenophobia (and Islamophobia)
  • the use of art in the rehabilitation of refugee communities
  • ethnicity, religion, and the politics of ‘integration’

2. Spatial practices

  • Continuities/ ruptures of everyday practices between locations of departure and arrival
  • spatial meanings/ makings of ‘safety’/ ‘privacy’/ ‘normalcy’
  • the everyday spatial practices of urban refugees
  • mapping extended and recurrent displacement (methodologies ranging from cartography to digital humanities) 
  • spatial narratives of refugee literature and art

3. Urbanism

  • crimes against and criminalization of refugees in urban space
  • border as territory: (un)integration of refugee camps to urban networks
  • internal displacement (IDPs)
  • spatial economies of destitution and aid

4. Design and construction

  • mobile architectures/ temporary dwellings
  • resilience in/of refugee camps
  • precarious spaces of refugee subjectivity

Articles offering historical and theoretical analysis (DiT papers) should be between 6000 and 8000 words, and those on design and practice (DiP papers) between 3000 and 4000 words. Practitioners are welcome to contribute insofar as they address the critical framework of the journal. Urbanists, art historians, anthropologists, geographers, political scientists, sociologists, and historians are also welcome. Please send a title and a 400-word abstract to the guest editor, Bülent Batuman, Bilkent University (batuman@bilkent.edu.tr), by 30 July 2019. Authors of accepted proposals will be contacted soon thereafter and will be requested to submit full papers by 31 January 2020. All papers will be subject to blind peer review. For author instructions, please consult: www.intellectbooks.com/ijia


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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412