Surrender or Leave: Israel’s Inexorable Missive to Rashida Tlaib as a Teaching Moment on Palestine

Surrender or Leave: Israel’s Inexorable Missive to Rashida Tlaib as a Teaching Moment on Palestine

Surrender or Leave: Israel’s Inexorable Missive to Rashida Tlaib as a Teaching Moment on Palestine

By : Fadi Quran and Noura Erakat

When Israel decided to ban entry to US Congresswomen Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar in August 2019, it created a political buzz across the United States. In Palestine, it was barely met with a shrug. In fact, those who were on Tlaib and Omar’s busy meeting agenda, including the authors of this piece, had already prepared contingency plans in the event that the US representatives were detained at Ben Gurion airport and deported. While President Trump’s brazen urging of this ban and his politically opportunistic attacks on the only two Muslim women in Congress shocked and incensed mainstream liberals, Israel’s decision to bar Tlaib and Omar was historically consistent with its policies toward Palestinians and those who criticize Israeli policies.

Because President Trump and the white supremacists who exalt him like to hail Israel as a model of “European sovereignty,” the banning offers a necessary corrective to illusions that Israel is a beacon of democracy. Banning two democratically elected representatives of Israel’s closest ally makes clear that militarized nationalism, not democracy, prevails. This is a learning moment.  

Overturning the hierarchy that keeps Palestinians subordinated and vulnerable to Israel necessitates political resistance and international accountability if freedom and peace are genuine goals.

The first thing to learn is that Tlaib and Omar were planning to visit Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967. But the only way to any part of Palestine is through Israeli checkpoints and military posts. The fact that Israel could ban them from visiting illustrates the total lack of Palestinian sovereignty—not just over borders but over every inch of land in the occupied West Bank. Even Mahmoud Abbas, president of the non-sovereign Palestinian Authority, needs a permit from Israel to travel. It is for this reason exactly that the “peace process framework” is so absurd. While this framework suggests a degree of parity and a need for mutual compromise, the reality on the ground is hierarchical in the extreme. Overturning the hierarchy that keeps Palestinians subordinated and vulnerable to Israel necessitates political resistance and international accountability if freedom and peace are genuine goals.

In the face of public outcry over the banning, Israel conceded that Tlaib, a Palestinian American with family—including a sick, elderly grandmother—in the West Bank, could be permitted to visit on the condition that she agree to certain “restrictions” on her freedom of expression. This condition did not raise many eyebrows in Palestine. Rather, it exemplified Israel’s policies to entrench Jewish settler-sovereignty by means that include the perpetual exile of Palestinian refugees and the exclusion of all non-resident Palestinians from the territories controlled by Israel. Israel’s denial of Tlaib’s entry to visit her family in the centuries-old village of Beit Ur, now besieged by Israeli settlements and apartheid roads, is consistent with such policy. 

The conditions imposed on Tlaib are also emblematic of Palestinian vulnerability. One of the most painful examples is that of Palestinians in Gaza who are diagnosed with cancer. To receive treatment, they must leave the besieged territory to enter Israel. To enter Israel, they need an Israeli permit—and as both Israeli and Palestinian human rights organizations have reported, the Israeli military often resorts to blackmail and extortion, refusing to give these patients permits to go to a hospital unless they promise to surveil other Palestinians and transmit intelligence to Israeli agencies. 

Israel’s message to Palestinians over the past seventy years is simple and consistent: despite your attachments to the land and claims to self-determination, you do not belong here. Should we allow you to stay, it is a matter of humanitarian exception, not a national right, and you must surrender your freedom and cease your resistance.

Israeli and US officials, including Ambassador David Friedman, have sought to frame Israel’s refusal of entry to Tlaib and Omar as a consequence of Israel’s 2017 law denying entry to adherents of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. Yet the “BDS law” is only the most recent manifestation of Israeli techniques aimed at suppressing Palestinian in-gathering and national self-determination on their lands.

Israel was banning international representatives and witnesses long before there was a BDS law. A list of those banned include MIT Professor Noam Chomsky, Makarim Wibisono, a UN special rapporteur on human rights, and Nobel Peace Prize winner Mairead Maguire who was deported by Israeli authorities in 2016 (she was seventy-two years old at the time).

Travelers who want to speak to Palestinians on the ground, as Tlaib and Omar planned to do, would find that Israel oversees a meticulous legal regime meant to center and serve a Jewish polity while devastating the Palestinian communities under its control and closing them off to any form of international solidarity. The real threat the congresswomen posed to Israel’s security was the potential to undercut the sway and believability of talking points that Israel is a liberal democratic state. In the United States, broad acceptance of these false claims continues to sustain a profoundly unjust status quo.

Yet despite the vast resources of Israel’s hasbara (propaganda) industry, its efforts to silence Palestinians and suborn solidarity have failed.

Global sympathy for the cause of Palestinian freedom has blossomed and alliances have deepened with peoples waging similar struggles from Puerto Rico to Kashmir as well as inside the United States among indigenous nations and African-Americans. In response, Israel has expanded its targeting from Palestinians to also include those standing by their side—including those who choose to come and bear witness, like Representative Omar. 

This list of banned witnesses is expansive and growing. In response, Israel is exporting and exchanging tips about how to institute discrimination with various authoritarian and right-wing regimes like Modi’s India, Bolsinaro’s Brazil, and Trump’s United States in an effort to help normalize its racist policies and oppressive tactics on an international scale.

President Trump’s divisive and race-baiting politics, the wall he wants to build on the border with Mexico, ICE’s home-storming procedures, and the detention of children under horrendous circumstances are all tactics Israel has practiced and mastered for decades, with tacit American support. By funding Israel with billions of dollars annually, American taxpayers have underwritten a cynical form of politics and cruel forms of oppression that have become abundantly apparent in the jubilant alliance between Trump and Netanyahu.

Our hope is that the ban on Tlaib and Omar will provide a wakeup call—and that those who believe in freedom, justice, and dignity will recognize that, in the ever-resonant words of Martin Luther King, Jr., “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” And it is our responsibility to unite in struggle globally, including in Palestine.

Protesting the Modern Language Association's Anti-Boycott Resolution

[This statement was originally published on 30 January 2017. The initial signatories are Modern Language Assocation (MLA) prize winners, current Delegate Assembly members, and past Executive Council members and MLA presidents. The petition is now open to all active and past members of the MLA; for more information, or to sign on to this petition, click here.]

30 January 2017

To the Executive Council of the Modern Language Association:

We write collectively as MLA award winners, current Delegate Assembly members, and past Executive Council members and MLA presidents, representing a diversity of viewpoints on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. While we are honored, variously, to have served the organization and received gratifying recognition for our work, we are also deeply concerned about the approval of an anti-boycott resolution by the majority of members of the Delegate Assembly.

Resolution 2017-1 states that the MLA shall “refrain from endorsing the boycott” against Israel, now and implicitly in perpetuity. We understand that the Executive Council will deliberate as to whether the resolution should be voted upon by the General Membership. In attempting to preempt future discussions of a boycott, 2017-1 adopts a tactic akin to state legislative efforts that have been deemed both unconstitutional and a suppression of free speech rights. It stifles dissent by effectively silencing BDS supporters within the context of MLA governance. Coming from those who claimed that the defeated Boycott Resolution was a denial of academic freedom, 2017-1 truly chills speech. In this it dangerously accedes to the authoritarian, anti-democratic temper of the new Trump administration—surely not a temper the MLA wishes to adopt. Finally, by shielding only the state of Israel from boycott endorsement, the resolution participates in the exceptionalist treatment too often accorded that state. Put bluntly, if passed it would deprive us of a constitutionally-protected form of free speech. Boycotts are a time-honored form of registering protest and disengaging ethically from unconscionable practices.

We are also dismayed by an additional resolution, 2017-3, despite its having been tabled. 2017-3 condemned Hamas and the Palestinian Authority for violating academic freedom, thereby paradoxically supporting the academic freedom of Palestinian scholars only when curtailed by Hamas and the Palestinian Authority. In one fell swoop, this resolution, a transparent redirect away from the structures of oppression, would have excused Israel`s role in denying academic freedom to Palestinians while blaming Palestinians themselves for the conditions of Israeli occupation.

A final, emergency resolution was passed condemning the attenuation of academic freedom imminent under the Trump administration. The irony of passing this resolution while just having approved another one designed to suffocate the academic freedom of BDS supporters is self-evident. That the Delegate Assembly at once protested Trump`s agenda while simultaneously reproducing some of its worst attributes signals at best a paradoxical deployment of the standards of academic freedom. At worst, it underscores the ethical confusion of the Delegate Assembly in these matters.

We all agree that resolution 2017-1 should be soundly and without equivocation defeated. The very existence of 2017-1 is a blight on the the ethical orientations of the MLA. We urge the MLA leadership to think critically about its role in challenging the uneven application of academic freedom and therefore not bring before its general membership this resolution that would chill dissent, preempt debate, and prohibit vital on-going conversations about BDS and the role of the US academy.

Sadia Abbas, Associate Professor, Rutgers University, 2014 MLA Prize for First Book

Anjali Arondekar, Associate Professor, University of California, Santa Cruz, 2010 Alan Bray Memorial Book Prize, MLA GL/Q Caucus

Stephanie Leigh Batiste, Associate Professor, University of California, Santa Barbara, 2012 William Sanders Scarborough Prize

Lauren Berlant, Professor, University of Chicago, 2013 co-winner Alan Bray Memorial Book Prize, MLA GL/Q Caucus

Ian Balfour, Professor of English, York University, 2003 Scaglione Prize for Comparative Literary Studies; Delegate Assembly 2016-2019

Jennifer DeVere Brody, Professor, Stanford University, 2000 Special Citation, Crompton-Noll Award, MLA GL/Q Caucus

Raúl Coronado, Associate Professor, University of Califoria, Berkeley, 2013 MLA Prize for First Book; member and former chair of the Latina/o Literature and Culture Forum

Peter Coviello, Professor, University of Illinois-Chicago, 2016 Honorable Mention, Alan Bray Memorial Book Prize, MLA GL/Q Caucus

Paul Downes, Associate Professor, University of Toronto, 2002 MLA Prize for First Book

Erica Edwards, Associate Professor, UC Riverside, 2014 William Sanders Scarborough Prize.

Nergis Ertürk, Associate Professor, Penn State University, 2012 MLA Prize for First Book, chair 20th and 21st Century Comparative Literary and Cultural Studies Forum.

Elizabeth Freeman, Professor, University of California, Davis, 2014 Norman Foerster Prize, MLA American Literature Section

Rosa-Linda Fregoso, Professor Emeritus/Research Professor, University of California, Santa Cruz, 2004 Winner MLA Book Prize for U.S. Latina/o, Chicana/o Literary and Cultural Studies

Laura G. Gutiérrez Associate Professor University of Texas at Austin, 2010 MLA Book Prize for Latina/o, Chicana/o Literary and Cultural Studies

Ku`ualoha Ho`omanawanui, Associate Professor, University of Hawai’i, 2014-15 Honorable Mention, MLA Book Prize for Studies in Native American Literatures, Cultures, and Languages

Hsuan Hsu, Professor, University of California, Davis, Honorable Mention, 2009 Norman Foerster Prize, MLA American Literature Section

Virginia Jackson, Professor, ICI Endowed Chair in Rhetoric, University of California, Irvine, 2006 MLA Prize for First Book

Toni Wall Jaudon, Assistant Professor, Hendrix College, 2013 Foerster Prize, MLA American Literature Section

Daniel Justice, Professor, University of British Columbia, 2014-15 MLA Book Prize for Studies in Native American Literatures, Cultures, and Languages

Regina Kunzel, Professor, Princeton University, 2009 Alan Bray Memorial Book Prize, MLA GL/Q Caucus

Caroline Levine, Professor, Cornell University, 2016 James Russell Lowell Prize

Elizabeth Losh, Associate Professor, College of William and Mary, 2017 Honorable Mention, Mina Shaughnessy Award

Dana Luciano, Associate Professor, Georgetown University, 2008 MLA First Book Prize; 2013 co-winner Crompton-Noll Best Article Award, MLA GL/Q Caucus.

Uri MacMillan, Associate Professor, University of California, Los Angeles, 2016 William Sanders Scarborough Prize

Meredith Martin, Associate Professor, Princeton University, 2012 MLA First Book Prize

Angela Naimou, Associate Professor, Clemson University, 2015 Honorable Mention, William Sanders Scarborough Prize

Sianne Ngai, Professor, Stanford University, 2013 James Russell Lowell Prize

Ricardo Ortiz, Professor, Georgetown University, 2008 Honorable Mention Alan Bray Memorial prize, MLA GL/Q Caucus

Crystal Parikh, Associate Professor, New York University, 2009 MLA Book Prize for U.S. Latina/o, Chicana/o Literary and Cultural Studies

Samantha Pinto, Associate Professor, Georgetown University, 2013 William Sanders Scarborough Prize

Jasbir K. Puar, Associate Professor, Rutgers University, 2016 co-winner, Crompton-Noll Best Article Award, MLA GL/Q Caucus; 2012 Michael Lynch Service Award, MLA GL/Q Caucus

Chandan Reddy, Associate Professor, University of Washington, Seattle, 2013 co-winner Alan Bray Memorial Book Prize, MLA GL/Q Caucus

Paul K. Saint-Amour, University of Pennsylvania, 2004 MLA First Book Prize, 2016 Matei Calinescu Prize

Barbara Spackman, Giovanni and Ruth Elizabeth Cecchetti Chair of Italian Studies, University of California, Berkeley; 1998 Howard R. Marraro and Aldo and Jeanne Scaglione Prizes for Italian Literary Studies; Delegate Assembly 2016-2019.

L.H. Stallings, Associate Professor, University of Maryland, 2016 Alan Bray Memorial Book Prize, MLA GL/Q Caucus

Jordan Alexander Stein, Associate Professor, Fordham University, 2009 Honorable Mention, Norman Foerster Prize, MLA American Literature Section

Rebecca L. Walkowitz, Professor, Rutgers University, 2016 Honorable Mention, Matei Calinescu Prize

Alexander Weheliye, Professor, Northwestern University, 2006 William Sanders Scarborough Prize, 2006

Houston Baker, Distinguished University Professor, Vanderbilt University, 1992 MLA President

Margaret Ferguson, Distinguished Professor, UC Davis, 2014 MLA President

Samer Mahdy Ali, Associate Professor, University of Michigan, Executive Council Member 2012-2016

Judith Butler, Maxine Elliot Professor of Comparative Literature, University of California, Berkeley, Executive Council Member 2000-2003

John Guillory, Silver Professor of English, New York University, Executive Council Member 2004-2007

Richard Ohmann, Professor, Wesleyan University, Executive Council Member 2010-2014

Zahid Chaudhary, Associate Professor, Princeton University, Delegate Assembly 2015-2018

Bishnupriya Ghosh, Professor, Department of English, University of California, Santa Barbara, Delegate Assembly 2017-2020

Yogita Goyal, Associate Professor, University of California, Los Angeles, Delegate Assembly 2016-2019

Salah Hassan, Associate Professor, Michigan State University, Delegate Assembly 2015-2017

Peter Hitchcock, Professor, Baruch College/CUNY Graduate Center, Delegate Assembly 2015-17

Adeline Koh, Associate Professor, Stockton University, Delegate Assembly 2013-18

Alex Lubin, Professor, University of New Mexico, Delegate Assembly 2017-2020

Christopher Newfield, Professor, University of California, Santa Barbara, Delegate Assembly 2015-2017

Stephen Sheehi, Professor, William and Mary College, Delegate Assembly 2016-2018

Karen Shimakawa, Professor, New York University, Delegate Assembly 2013-2017

Jennifer Wicke, Delegate Assembly 2012-2015, Delegate Assembly Organizing Committee Chair 2014