Statement: We Stand with the Iraqi Uprising

Statement: We Stand with the Iraqi Uprising

Statement: We Stand with the Iraqi Uprising

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement by diasporas Iraqi academics was issued on 11 November 2019 in solidarity with the current Iraqi uprising.]

We Stand With the Iraqi Uprising


We, a group of Iraqi academics living and working in the diaspora, stand in full support with the demands of the uprising in Iraq and strongly condemn the barbaric response of the Iraqi government and its paramilitaries. 

Since the beginning of October, Iraq has witnessed a new wave of massive demonstrations demanding the end of the corrupt sectarian rule in the country. The uprising is unprecedented in its scale, shape, and demands. It has been led by the youth and the disenfranchised, including women, and has been joined by Iraqis from all backgrounds and regions across the country. Unions, syndicates, and students of all levels, including children, are on strike and have called for civil disobedience. 

Protestors have demonstrated a commitment to non-violent civil disobedience and have called for bringing down the corrupt Green Zone regime put in power after the 2003 US-led invasion. This uprising is inclusive, women, especially young women, are very active and participate despite the repression and the backlash from security forces and armed groups.

These month-long protests have been met with unprecedented lethal violence from the government. Reports from the country indicate that more than 330 people have been killed and more than 15,000 wounded by government and paramilitary groups who have been using live ammunition, machine guns, stun grenades, anti-riot tanks, and military grade tear gas to quell the peaceful protests.

The Iraqi authorities have also imposed media, Internet and telecommunication blackout and have imposed curfews and restrictions on movement using roadblocks. Peaceful protestors have been threatened, arrested, beaten up, kidnapped and assassinated by security forces. Attempts by local journalists and intellectuals to voice the protesters’ demands have been met with intimidation, torture, and assassination by armed groups and militias close to the Iraqi political elites. 

Protestors demand the dissolution of the government, parliament and provincial councils, the establishment of an interim government that would organize new elections under international supervision. They demand a fair investigation of all the killings and that the killers are brought to justice. We call on our colleagues and on the International community to pay attention to what is happening in Iraq and support us in bringing and amplifying the voices of the Iraqi people to the rest of the world.

This is a turning point in Iraq’s history. We are in awe of the courage, strength, resilience, and creativity of our people. We lend our support. You are building a better future for our country. 

Signatories:

Dena Al-Adeeb, University of California, Davis

Nadje Al-Ali, Brown University

Khaled Al Hilli, The Graduate Center, CUNY

Zahra Ali, Rutgers University-Newark

Amnah Almukhtar, Columbia University

Marsin Alshamary, Harvard Kennedy School & MIT

Sinan Antoon, New York University

Yousef K. Baker, California State University, Long Beach

Omar Dewachi, Rutgers University

Shamiran Mako, Boston University

Zainab Saleh, Haverford College

Omar Sirri, University of Toronto

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412