Peter Adamson, Philosophy in the Islamic World: A History of Philosophy Without Any Gaps, Volume 3 (New Texts Out Now)

Peter Adamson, Philosophy in the Islamic World: A History of Philosophy Without Any Gaps, Volume 3 (New Texts Out Now)

Peter Adamson, Philosophy in the Islamic World: A History of Philosophy Without Any Gaps, Volume 3 (New Texts Out Now)

By : Peter Adamson

Peter Adamson, Philosophy in the Islamic World: A History of Philosophy Without Any Gaps, Volume 3 (Oxford University Press, 2016).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Peter Adamson (PA): The book is actually the third volume of a book series called the “History of Philosophy Without Any Gaps,” which is based on a podcast of the same name that I have been running since 2010. The books are basically a revised version of the scripts I wrote for the podcast, with some added chapters plus supplementary material like footnotes, bibliography, maps, and so on. The idea of the project as a whole is, as the name says, to cover the history of philosophy without skipping anything. This means, for one thing, covering periods of philosophy that are pretty familiar but with attention paid to supposedly “minor” as well as “major” thinkers. For instance, in ancient Greek philosophy there were numerous episodes on big hitters like Plato and Aristotle, but also episodes on lesser known movements and figures like, say, the Cyrenaics and Maximus Confessor. One result is that I pay more attention to female philosophers than is often done, since women thinkers usually fall into the supposedly “minor” category. And then for another thing, the series covers non-Western philosophy extensively: the fifth volume, which is just about to come out, looks at classical Indian philosophy (with co-author Jonardon Ganeri), and the podcast is nowadays covering Africana philosophy. 

Both aspects of the project are relevant for this volume on the Islamic world. Obviously, having a whole book on this topic in a general history of philosophy is unusual. But also, the book covers not just major, more or less famous thinkers like Avicenna and Averroes, but literally hundreds of philosophers, with dozens getting close attention. So, while it probably is not really possible to write a book on this topic literally “without any gaps,” it is as far as I know the most detailed survey that is aimed at a general reader.

Chronologically, I go a lot further than most surveys of the Islamic philosophical tradition do.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

PA: To some extent, the book covers the topics and figures you might expect, namely philosophers from al-Kindī to Averroes who were Muslims and wrote in Arabic, engaging with the classical Greek tradition. These are the figures who usually make it into histories of philosophy and occasionally onto university teaching syllabi. But I also include coverage of non-Muslim philosophers who lived in the Islamic world, which is especially important in the second part of the book. That part looks at philosophy in medieval Andalusia and quite a few Jewish thinkers are covered there. The contribution of Christian literature in Arabic is also highlighted. Chronologically, I go a lot further than most surveys of the Islamic philosophical tradition do. Usually that tradition is considered to be part of “medieval” philosophy and to end in around 1200 CE. Instead, I take the story all the way to the twentieth century, with about one-third of the book being dedicated to “post-classical” topics. Finally, I should add that I was looking here at figures who are obviously “philosophers,” such as commentators on Aristotle. I try to cover everything—or at least, as much as possible—that should interest a historian of philosophy. So, there are chapters on the sciences, for instance on optics, and on theology and mysticism, showing how these intellectual traditions interacted with those that are more usually called “philosophical.” 

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

PA: My main area of research is late ancient philosophy and philosophy in the Islamic world, so to some extent I was on familiar terrain writing this book. In particular, I have written quite a lot on figures like al-Kindī and Avicenna. But I had not worked much on the post-classical tradition or on Jewish philosophy, so that was new for me. Conversely, working on this project has also changed my research agenda quite a bit. In particular, discovering just how rich the post-classical period is convinced me that I should be trying to do more to bring it to wider awareness. So now I am running a funded research project in Munich on the “Heirs of Avicenna,” where we are producing thematically organized volumes on philosophy in the twelfth and thirteenth century in the Islamic East. My hope is that, with other projects like this, the word will get out that philosophy did not just expire in the Islamic world around the time that it recovered in Christian Europe. 

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have? 

PA: It is designed to be readable without any background knowledge. Probably the ideal thing would be to have read the other volumes in the series, especially those on either side of it. Volume 2 was on later ancient philosophy, which leads directly into the Islamic world because philosophy there was strongly influenced by intellectual currents from late antiquity. Volume 4 is on Latin medieval philosophy and charts, among other things, the influence of texts from the Islamic world on medieval philosophy. Still, the idea is that each volume can be easily followed on its own. Despite all the historical detail, the writing style is quite “light”—for example, there are running gags and jokes, aiming for the effect of an informative but also entertaining classroom experience. Obviously, my hope is not that everyone who reads the book, or listens to the podcast, goes off to be an expert researcher on Islamic philosophy. It would be great if it inspired some people to read further, pick up primary texts in translation, or dip into other secondary literature. To this end, I gave rather extensive “further reading” suggestions at the end. For this reason, the book would hopefully also be useful as a text to accompany a course on the subject (in fact, I use it this way). But, really, it is supposed to reach beyond academia and just get people to re-think the nature of philosophy in the Islamic world. As I have already implied, there are a lot of myths about this subject out there and anyone who looks through this book even casually will quickly see that the myths are wrong.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

PA: I have a book that will be coming out with the same publisher, Oxford University Press, later this year, on an early thinker of the Islamic world named Abū Bakr al-Rāzī. He was a Persian doctor who developed an unusual and, in the eyes of some, heretical theory about how the cosmos is formed. In the book I talk about that theory, as well as the philosophical aspects of his medical writings and also his treatises on ethics. 

Within the “without any gaps” project I am working on Africana Philosophy, as I mentioned, together with co-author Chike Jeffers. At the same time, I am putting out a series on the Italian Renaissance. Aside from all that I am currently running two research projects in Munich, the one I mentioned before about the reception of Avicenna’s philosophy, which is sponsored by the German Research Council; and then, financed by the European Research Council, a project on animals in the Islamic world. The latter is a really interesting topic because it turns out that philosophers and theologians in this tradition had innovative and surprisingly “generous” views on both animal minds and the moral question of how we should treat animals. This is particularly worth exploring, I think, because it is so commonly assumed that philosophers did not start to think about the animal world in this way until very recently.

J: What is your favorite passage in the book?

PA: This would be:  

The Iberian Peninsula was mostly under the rule of Muslims for several centuries. They arrived in a year that will be easy to remember for American convenience store patrons: 711. I can’t resist telling a legend about this conquest. It’s said that the kings of the Christian Visigoths had a tower sealed with many locks. When each king came to power, he would add another lock, until there were twenty-seven of them keeping safe the secret inside. Finally, a king could not restrain his curiosity and had the locks opened to see what was inside the tower. Inside he found paintings of Arab warriors on horseback, and a scroll that said: ‘When this chamber is violated… the people painted on these walls will invade Spain, overthrow its kings, and subdue the entire land.’ Thus did curiosity kill the Catalans.”

 

Excerpt from the book 

From the chapter “Avicenna on Existence”

I can’t believe I haven’t yet mentioned my sister. She’s a few years younger than me, and also used to study philosophy. But she wanted a more exciting life, and ran off to join the circus. Before long she became a skilled trapeze artist, and married the bearded lady (after some initial confusion, the marriage was annulled). Her restless spirit led her to quit the circus though, and she moved into my basement, where she spends most of her time writing these books about the history of philosophy, which I pass off as my own. Oh, one other thing you should know about my sister: she doesn’t exist. I have never had a sister and, barring some very surprising news, am never going to have one. Yet it seems pretty clear that this sister of mine could exist. Everything I told you about her would be, if not likely, at least possible – well, apart from the idea that anything could be more exciting than philosophy. 

It isn’t just my trapeze-artist, basement dwelling sister who doesn’t exist but could have. There are an infinity of things that will never exist, even though they apparently could quite easily exist. They needn’t be people – unicorns and centaurs, the fourth of the five moons that are orbiting around the earth, a mountain made entirely of gold – it seems obvious that such things could have existed, yet they never will. Then on the other hand, there are the things that do get to exist, but might just as easily not have existed. You and I, and every human who has ever lived or ever will, would fall into this category. In fact, if you look around you, you won’t see anything that absolutely had to exist. Rather, the world is full of what philosophers would call contingent things. To call something contingent is just to say that it is neither necessary nor impossible. An impossible thing would be, for instance, a round square, or an activity even more worthwhile than philosophy.  

Philosophers refer to necessity, contigency and impossibility as “modal” concepts, and to the whole phenomenon as “modality,” because these are three “modes” that can apply to things or to statements. You might find it strange to think about existing things in this context, and quite a few modern-day philosophers would agree. For them, it would be statements or propositions that are characterized by necessity, contingency, or impossibility. You can best think about this in terms of truth. A necessary proposition is one that is guaranteed to be true, an impossible proposition one that must be false, a contingent proposition one that might be true or false: “I have a sister who was a trapeze artist” is false, but could have been true. We already find this in Aristotle, minus the examples about trapeze artists. He talks quite a bit about modality in his logical works, as when he tells us that if the two premises of a syllogism are necessarily true, then the conclusion that follows from them will also be necessarily true. Modality also turns up in his epistemology, when he says that knowledge in the strict sense must involve necessary truths.

This was an aspect of Aristotle’s logic that particularly interested Avicenna. His own extensive writings on logic respond to Aristotle and to his commentators, up to and including al-Fārābī. But as usual, Avicenna’s respect for and use of his predecessors from Aristotle onwards, didn’t prevent him from putting forth innovative ideas of his own. Logic was certainly no exception. This was also one area where Avicenna was especially successful in supplanting Aristotle. Theologians and others trained in the later madrasa educational system were brought up on a diet of Avicennan logic, much as the philosophy students of late antiquity had begun with the Aristotelian Organon. Some of Avicenna’s influential ideas in logic have to do precisely with modality, and constitute an advance on what we find in Aristotle. On the one hand, Aristotle strenuously insists that there are some things that could be the case but aren’t. He scornfully refutes a group of philosophers called the Megarians, who believed that there is no such thing as unrealized possibility. As Aristotle points out, this would eliminate the difference between being blind and just not seeing anything at the moment. In fact, it’s perfectly possible to be able to see, without actually seeing, like when one’s eyes are closed. On the other hand, Aristotle says in other contexts that what is eternally the case is also necessarily the case. He believes that if the heavens exist eternally, then it follows that they exist necessarily. That may be a seductive thought, but notice the apparent implication: if it is eternally the case that something doesn’t exist, then it necessarily doesn’t exist. In other words, my sister, who never has existed and never will, turns out on this theory to be impossible.

That way of thinking of things seems unfortunate from our point of view. But generations of logicians and metaphysicians in antiquity and the early medieval period were happy to follow Aristotle on this score. It is sometimes called the “statistical” or “frequentist” view of modality. According to this statistical view, to say that something is impossible is nothing more nor less than saying that it never occurs, and to call something necessary is just to say it always occurs. Rather uncomfortably, this leaves us with only one remaining option regarding the contingent things in the middle: we’ll have to say that they sometimes occur, but not always. For instance, to say it is contingently true that a human sleeps would be to say that sometimes humans sleep and sometimes they don’t. That sounds fine when you apply it to general types of things like humans. Probably if no humans anywhere ever went to sleep, we would indeed be tempted to conclude that it is impossible for humans to sleep. But if you apply it to individual things that don’t occur, it looks much less plausible. As I say, it doesn’t seem to follow from the fact that my sister never exists that she couldn’t possibly exist. 

In Avicenna’s logical system, it remains the case that propositions have statistical implications, even if they may seem not to. In fact, he criticizes philosophers like the members of the Baghdad school for overlooking this point. If I say “the giraffe is tall,” Avicenna would take this to imply that the giraffe is tall at some time or other. However, he also ties modality to the natures, or essences, of things. If I say that it is possible for humans to be trapeze artists, that will mean that it is compatible with human nature to be a trapeze artist. This will apply to every human, including humans like me who wouldn’t even consider attempting to become a trapeze artist. Thus we can now apparently say that there are some things that could be the case, but never are. 

So far, I’ve been talking about this as if it were solely an issue of logic. But it is also an issue about what exists – an issue of metaphysics. For, just as it is compatible with my nature for me to be a trapeze artist or not, it is also compatible with my nature to exist or not. Here, we have arrived at what may be Avicenna’s most famous philosophical distinction, the distinction between essence and existence. He makes the point with the example of a triangle. If you just consider the nature or essence of a triangle, and if you were paying attention in geometry class as a kid, you’ll be able to see that a number of things follow from that essence: it must have an odd number of sides, and it must not be round. If you were paying more attention than I was, you might even be able to deduce that its internal angles are equal to the sum of two right angles. But one thing the essence of triangle will not tell you is whether it exists or doesn’t exist.  

So here is something I share with triangles (albeit not the only thing; they don’t have sisters either): both the triangle and I are contingent existents. This simply means that we have essences that are compatible with both existence and non-existence. In this we are unlike, say, round squares or carnivorous giraffes. These things cannot exist, because their essences preclude their existence, which is just to say that they are impossible. That’s pretty obvious with the round square, since its being round will prevent it from being square, and vice-versa. We might express the point by saying that the existence of such a thing would yield a contradiction. You might object to my other example though, on the basis that you’re perfectly able to imagine a meat-eating giraffe, so this can’t be an impossible existent. But I think Avicenna would disagree. As any good Aristotelian knows, it is essential to giraffes that they be vegetarian. The test for metaphysical possibility is not sheer conceivability, but what is compatible with the essence of a thing. Hence, not only are round squares impossible, but also non-rational humans and carnivorous giraffes.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.