Sahar Mandour, 32 (New Texts Out Now)

Sahar Mandour, 32 (New Texts Out Now)

Sahar Mandour, 32 (New Texts Out Now)

By : Sahar Mandour سحر مندور

Sahar Mandour, 32 (Beirut: Dar al-Adab, 2010).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Sahar Mandour (SM): 32 was published in December 2009 and written between 2007 and 2009. This was during a very unsettling time in Beirut which witnessed a series of assassinations of MPs and journalists in a highly polarized political and sectarian environment. Back then, I was working as a journalist, a desk editor of the local pages at Assafir newspaper, specifically. As part of my job, I was directly engaged in the coverage and analysis of these overwhelmingly violent events and debates.

Such dangerous times trigger personal and collective traumas in societies and in bodies, particularly for those of us who have lived through the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990). Coming out of the war, our days and nights became made of one sticky fabric of fear, violence, and disappointment. Having war lords as state figures did not help. Our disillusion with the possibility of a peaceful living came with existential threats, clashes of identities, sectarian righteousness, and most importantly political meta-narratives that were mutually exclusive. 

Lebanon was (and still is) a proxy site of collision between the two enemy axes in our region. Wars were yet to come. Against the backdrop of these unfolding futures, I wrote 32.

Behind a compulsive writing process to evade a stressful and triggering reality, was a conscious desire, overtly expressed in the novel, to document our existence, the group of friends who spent night and day together in an orchestrated manner, excavating the tough way to exist as closely as possible to the desired state of being. We were reactive, as war children, but also courageous and daring. Dreaming of a different, kinder world for ourselves, paying justice to anger and music.

We were in constant interaction and clashes with what social, political, and religious authorities had to offer then. My main obsession in Beirut’s late 2000s was to mark out our existence on earth and its impact on our beings.

Testosterone is one of the book’s central issues.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

SM: The book addresses the life of thirty-two-year-old female friends working together as a brigade in Beirut during the last quarter of 2010. Their lives are closely engaged with lives of other people in the city, like Kumudu (Koko) and Nadia. Their timeline intertwines with that of a city hanging between peace and war; hostile events unfold while their “regular” lives continue. The city and its dwellers, their psyche and emotions, their memories and documents, are the main protagonists.

Koko is a migrant domestic worker from Sri Lanka, a few years older than the other protagonists. She works twice a week cleaning and organizing the house of the narrator. Koko is one of the female workers who relatively liberated themselves from the kafala (sponsorship) system and managed, at the cost of breaking some regulations, to own her life in Beirut. She shares the humor of the other characters and adds to it her “vecu” in Beirut and her story from Sri Lanka, all in her characteristically rigorous, high-pitched tone.

Nadia is an older lady who sells flowers in the same region and witnesses their lives. After years of coming across her while smiling and buying her flowers, the narrator finally engages with her. She learns of her years in Havana with her Cuban husband, before he got sick. His sickness compelled them to move to Beirut, where his wife could not pass her nationality to him and the couple thus received no social security.

The book also engages with the patriarchal authority shaping lives in Beirut, whether through laws, street level authorities and dynamics, or in annoying sets that assume freedom, such as bars and the night in general. Testosterone is one of the book’s central issues.

In short, the book addresses different aspects of life in Beirut between 2007 and 2009, ranging from the mundane to the existential.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

SM: 32 reflects a close proximity to my real life during the time of writing. While the book is not autobiographical, it intertwines heavily with my reality. The novel insists on being fun, sometimes funny, even when it describes a get together in a scene of terror, right after a car bomb assassination.

I intentionally discuss in it some of the issues inherent to writing a creative novel in close proximity to reality. Should the writing be honest to real events, and thus sacrifice creativity? Wouldn’t an “honest” narrative impose on the writer the need to make unwarranted and timeless statements about friends? Just because I am writing a novel, it does not mean that I should reduce this friend to a series of impressions and perceptions. It is an act of violence, in a way, given the set.

I found refuge and happiness in writing when I raised such issues on paper, allowing myself then to narrate stories as opposed to documenting events.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

SM: I hope at least two types of audience enjoy the book: one specific, and the other aiming for maximum inclusion. The first is the audience I had in mind while writing: people my age, women in friendship, living and conversing, going through triggering situations or similar conditions. These people kept me company while writing. The second type of audience is everyone for whom these “documents” are kept: all possible readers, basically.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

SM: After the documentation obsession that ruled over the writing process of 32, I started writing my fourth novel, Mina (2013), fueled by the need to escape the limitations of reality. I took a trip with a gay actress in her thirties, filled with cinema, creative references, and anger. It was a treat for my imagination. Yet my need to escape the physical reality remained, as most of Mina’s events are set and in direct conversation and conflict with Beirut.

After publishing Mina, the first thing that came to mind was: “I want to write a fairy tale.” The novel I am currently working on did not turn out to be a fairy tale, but it is as close to one as possible.

I have reached the last chapter, but writing this novel has been challenging. In the process, I thought I had lost my capacity to write fiction, but then a fellow novelist and a dear friend helped me understand why I was finding it difficult to write this novel. He told me that I was writing for the first time about what I cannot already see.

When I started thinking of the novel I am currently writing, I had an uninformed desire to write outside the identifiable space and time. Outside Beirut, but not in another known place. Events that are relevant to our present, but not located in it. All names–of persons, places, etc.–are not common or do not exist in our world.

It is a novel with three main characters. Each has his or her own chapter, independent yet connected. When I advanced in the writing process, I realized that I was extracting the personal living from the social context that usually takes over the narrative. I want to observe how our living in the standing socio-political conditions influences us, without allowing the specificities of reality (for example, the identity of a city, mood of an era, specific events, names of streets and people…) to overtake the narrative. These geo-social realities are shared; we tend to directly give in to the references they evoke.

In this novel, I deal with anxiety and trauma, patterns and feelings, behaviors and personal identities. And it is a very slow and highly demanding writing process. But I will get there!


Excerpt from the book

Written in Arabic by: Sahar Mandour (2010) 

Translated to English by: Nicole Fares (2016) 

[…] 

I should leave the house. 

But I have no energy to get off my couch. 

I start texting my friends looking for a reason to go out. 

And I find it: 

BOOM. 

An explosion. 

A car bomb? 

Who is it? Who’s the target? Who? 

Panic. 

Cellphone. I dial. 

“Allo, Mom? I’m fine, what happened? What do you mean nothing! There was an explosion in the Bain Militaire area! Watch the news. But you guys are okay? Yeah, me too.” 

I hang up then dial and dial again.

Nothing goes through. It disconnects the moment I dial.

The network is completely helpless now that I need it the most. 

Where was the explosion exactly? 

In my heart, perhaps? 

Do they want to assassinate me? Not likely. 

I’m rushing off... where am I rushing off to? 

The television. 

Nothing. 

They mention an explosion in the Rawshe area. 

No kidding, I heard it. I want more information. Should I leave? 

And go where? 

My window is blocked by a garage, and the door... the door, okay, I’ll open the door. 

I slowly open the front door and see broken glass in the hallway of the building and people. My neighbors. 

I fit in with them. I commiserate with them, and comfort them even though I don’t know how to comfort anyone.

How can people protect themselves from an explosion that has already gone off, and the possibility of another that might follow? 

Who died?

Who got assassinated? How many casualties? 

They’re saying that a minister in the Lebanese Parliament was targeted. 

I go down to the street and see Zumurrud, Zeezee, Shwikar, and many other friends. 

They came from all over. 

All over? They were all here when it happened. 

Zeezee was at an outdoor café next to where the explosion went off. 

Zumurrud ran from her house toward the source of the sound like many others did. She came down from the top of the hill where she lives to the bottom where I live. 

And Shwikar was getting money from the ATM at the entrance of the Bain Militaire beach close to where the explosion happened. 

They’re saying the minister was assassinated. 

They’re saying his son was with him. 

They’re also saying that some players from Nejmeh, the professional soccer team, were killed during practice. 

Their soccer field is next to the café. 

It’s also across from the theme park. 

Fire trucks, EMTs, police cars, army jeeps, news vans (some taping and others broadcasting) and civilians amid it all. 

Attaaack!

The crowd surrounds the site of the explosion, separating us from it. 

Why would we get any closer anyway? To see the dead. To see what a human body looks like torn to pieces. To see the destruction. To see what, exactly? 

We wouldn’t see anything that will make waking up tomorrow easier. 

They say they found the body of an elderly woman who worked at the Sporting Beach Club. An Egyptian woman. 

I walk away and sit next to my friends on a sidewalk nearby. 

The restaurants are dusting themselves off. 

All eyes are peeled for the smallest change or update to pass it on to the ones that haven’t seen it yet. We see and tell; we acknowledge what happened in order to grasp it, to grasp the magnitude of the death that was thrown into our laps and that was awakened from the past and is hiding behind tomorrow. 

UffI’m suffocating. 

And everyone else is suffocating, too. When we witness a crisis together, our rhythms unite.

And when it’s time to put this behind us, we still return to the location, united as well, and attempt to remove death from the scene. 

We tell a joke about ourselves, another about our world, and a third, whispered, about nothing.

We calm down a bit. We exchange expressions of happiness for one another’s safety; then break eye contact when we hear moaning. It’s coming from a mother and her son who are looking for his brother. He was practicing in the Nejmeh soccer field. He’s the star player. 

We remain silent. 

The mother is sitting on the sidewalk nearby us, her head in her hands and her words swinging back and forth between hope and pain. Her son goes to ask about his brother and comes back without an answer. And the lady, in everyday black, stands on the edge that separates mourning from gratitude. 

She won’t give thanks because her son’s safety will not be granted. 

But we don’t know that yet. We’re still silent, our tears washing our faces. We don’t know what to do aside from wishing that we were invisible, that the earth would swallow us whole. The lady is crying for her son, and we’re standing like idiots around her. 

We haven’t lost anyone, so how can we console a mother who just got hit with the image of her dead son? 

We withdraw into ourselves.

We shrink and melt into one body.

If we heard her scream for water, we would rush to her with water.

If we heard her sobbing, we would rush to her with tissues.

If...

But she doesn’t want anything we can give her. She just wants her son back. We withdraw into ourselves even further.

And suddenly:

We hear a voice that generates a feeling inside us like an explosion. 

It’s a friend of ours from abroad who’s spending a pleasant summer in Lebanon. He was in the area when he heard the explosion, so he grabbed his camera and came running, looking for something good to film. 

He’s a civil engineer, and now, suddenly, a social activist as well, living in Paris. 

He addresses us: “Thank God you’re safe!” 

Please! We don’t want to hear that expression right now, not while the lady whose son’s safety has not yet been guaranteed to her stands beside us. 

I hug my friend tightly and close my eyes, hoping that maybe my silence will rub off on him. I open my eyes and see him back away with the swiftness of a juggler and lift his camera from his hip to his eye level. The camera that had been hanging from his shoulder is now pressed up against his nose. 

What do I do? How can I get him to calm down? But first, how can I get him to back off from his self-styled journalism? 

I block his camera lens with my hand. We explain to him exactly what just happened to this woman and how we’re feeling toward the entire situation. He calms down a little. “Ohh,” he says, as if he just made an important discovery. What discovery? That an explosion usually results in casualties, injuries, and having to mourn loved ones? 

Why didn’t he expect that? Perhaps because he’s spent a long time abroad and has now become used to only seeing this kind of news through a lens, usually followed by a televised dramatic discussion and finger pointing. 

Maybe that’s why his first instinct is to grab the camera, so he can see the disaster through the lens - live - just as he’s used to. 

It doesn’t matter anyway, that’s his business. Me, on the other hand, I’m not carrying a camera. I can hardly carry myself. 

All of a sudden, I see him point the camera at the woman sitting on the sidewalk. I explode.

“Don’t!” 

He ignores my demand and looks at me with a face that says that he understands my distress, in fact he’s as upset as I am, but the picture needs to go on YouTube or Facebook so the world can see this woman’s pain, or else, who would hear about any of this, or of her? 

What? Does it even matter if the world hears of this, or of her? And besides, who said she wants “the world” to hear of her, especially at this moment? Maybe she wants to be left alone right now. Maybe she doesn’t want to become an image or a video, not today, tomorrow, not thirty years from now. 

Before I can give this man a piece of my mind, the brother of the missing son returns to tell his mother that he is officially missing. The Nejmeh team members were counted, and his brother wasn’t among them. 

Oh God.

When I hear this my heart stops. What’s this? The camera again? 

Before my friends and I can react, the brother yells at the cameraman and tells him to leave him and his mother alone. Then he collapses on the sidewalk, weeping. The fresh-from- Europe guy pounces on his prey camera in hand, assuming the brother is giving in to the lens and not to shock over losing his brother. 

I stand up, then my friends follow suit, and we walk away. 

If we can’t do anything to keep this overzealous guy from performing his duty, then we’re not going to be his excuse for a performance. 

We retreat. 

He asks, “Where are you guys going?” 

I hiss at him, “Home.” 

We walk toward my apartment, fast. Almost running.

We stop and sneak a look at the amateur photographer who’s determined to enlighten people as to our plight, to see if he’s following us. 

We make sure he’s busy shaping international public opinion. 

Then we improvise. We head in the opposite direction. 

We walk uphill. Ice cream on the sidewalk. Silence. A little talk, a lot of talk, noise, then silence again. As though noise is a betrayal of the tranquility of the dead and the suffering of the living. 

We feel a sudden and great respect for life, and the loss of it. Silence.
Relapse: Shwikar cries.

Her tears make jokes spill from our mouths, make our hearts race. We won’t have tears of sadness. If one of us falls apart, we all will. And we can’t fall apart after an explosion; we can’t surrender to fear because any car around us could be a bomb. 

Yeah. Any car around us could be a bomb.

[...]

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New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

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Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.