Laleh Khalili, Sinews of War and Trade: Shipping and Capitalism in the Arabian Peninsula (New Texts Out Now)

Laleh Khalili, Sinews of War and Trade: Shipping and Capitalism in the Arabian Peninsula (New Texts Out Now)

Laleh Khalili, Sinews of War and Trade: Shipping and Capitalism in the Arabian Peninsula (New Texts Out Now)

By : Laleh Khalili

Laleh Khalili, Sinews of War and Trade: Shipping and Capitalism in the Arabian Peninsula (Verso, 2020).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Laleh Khalili (LK): Towards the end of 2011, I had just finished the manuscript for Time in the Shadows, the research for which had been devastating. For years, I had been speaking to torture and detention victims, reading about histories of violence, and lurking on military blogs. I wanted to research something that did not entail plumbing the depths of human cruelty and violence in such a raw, intimate way. My parents had been political prisoners in Iran, and hearing about the confinement and torture of my interlocutors felt far closer to the bone than I had anticipated. Around the same time, a good friend, David Hansen-Miller, who was then a researcher for International Transport-Workers’ Federation, encouraged me to shift my research to the conditions of work for dockers and seafarers whose lives and work touched the Arabian Peninsula. I applied for research funding from the Economic and Social Research Council of Britain with great trepidation: this was the first substantial work of political economy I was researching and I felt like a complete newbie to the subject. Then, to my great surprise and delight, the funding came through, and I was suddenly given three years in which to travel and conduct research. It turned out to be the best research decision I had made, even if (especially because?) I still feel like a student of the subject and I am constantly learning something new.

But most important, the book tells the stories of dockers and seafarers and their constant struggle over the course of the long twentieth century to secure not only workplace benefits, but also political rights.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address? 

LK: It is a sprawling book in many ways (and its word count was already reduced by more than fifty percent before going to the copy editor!), in part because I was so curious about everything having to do with the past, present, and future of maritime commerce in the Western Indian Ocean. The book brings together the infrastructures and peoples who have made and make maritime trade in the Arabian Peninsula possible. The chapters have to do with shipping routes; the construction of the ports; the landside infrastructures that support ports; the legal apparatuses that facilitate commerce; capitalists, technical experts, and colonial officials involved in maritime commerce; and the conjunction between war and commerce at sea. But most important, the book tells the stories of dockers and seafarers and their constant struggle over the course of the long twentieth century to secure not only workplace benefits, but also political rights. 

I was inspired by Allan Sekula’s photo-essays about shipping, Deb Cowen’s paradigm-shifting The Deadly Life of Logistics, Madawi al-Rasheed’s fearless upturning of standard narratives about the countries of the Peninsula, Paul Gilroy and Marcus Rediker’s brilliant accounts of the Atlantic, and Abdulrahman Munif’s Cities of Salt (so many of whose luminous passages appear throughout Sinews). In the process of researching and writing, I also learned from many colleagues and friends whose urgent, innovative, and fresh work on the maritime and the logistical challenged and shaped my thinking: Johan Mathew, Fahad Bishara, Charmaine Chua, Jatin Dua, Katy Fox-Hodess, Naor Ben Yehoyahoda, Sharri Plonski, Matt MacLean, and foremost, Rafeef Ziadah (who was my sounding board, playmate, and co-conspirator throughout). 

J: What were the most difficult and the most enjoyable elements of research for the project?

LK: The most difficult by far was finding narratives, stories, and voices that countered the official business and state archives. That is why Munif mattered so much, but so did such things as memoirs of left-wing/labor activists from the region (which is thankfully a proliferating genre) in book form, or in retrospective newspaper interviews, or in autobiographic essays. I used short stories, poems, and novels written by the residents and citizens of the region. I spent quite a bit of time trying to become familiar with songs composed and sung by seafarers, pearl-divers, fishermen, and their wives (who were sometimes widowed, sometimes abandoned, but always eulogizing lost stability and comfort). Not all of these sources appear directly in the book; some might do in subsequent articles; others act as a scaffolding or foundation for my approach to the subject. As for the most enjoyable element of research, it was by far my two containership journeys, both from Malta to Dubai but along different routes, which I chronicled in my blog and analyzed in the book.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

LK: I always fear this question, in part because I am a bit like a magpie (or like the fox in Isiah Berlin’s The Hedgehog and the Fox): I am attracted to shiny new projects. Or less flippantly, I shift course to new research projects when something exciting and puzzling catches my eye. And I really like always being a student, learning new things, feeling uncertain and unsure and inexpert in a new field. I think that sense of humility and un-knowingness and uncertainty is intellectually generative. It allows one to be open to new ideas and writings that emerge in the interstices of congealed certitudes and accepted orthodoxies.

That said, if I were to find common threads running through my work, it would be the idea of transnational movement: of ideas and narratives in my first book (Heroes and Martyrs of Palestine); of practices, military doctrines, and counterinsurgents in the second book (Time in the Shadows); and of people, cargo, and capital in Sinews. After I finished Sinews, I noticed that Palestinians are also present in the story, though not as prominently as they were in the first two books. Palestinian migrants—engineers, technocrats, and laborers—built so many of the infrastructures in the Gulf; and their cause inspired so many of the labor protests and strikes in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s.  

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

LK: I intentionally wrote the book in a language and style that I hope will appeal to an intelligent readership beyond the academy. My brilliant husband who is a non-academic read it in manuscript form very closely—and gave ruthless feedback about bits where I was not explaining a concept or its significance well, or where I was using scholarly jargon or style of writing. An old friend who writes for the Financial Times also advised me that I should cut down my sentences in such a way that the reader does not lose track of the thrust of the story. Finally, I tell lots of stories in the book, and I try to theorize with a very light touch. I hope that the book will help illuminate how global maritime trade works today, and to understand the role of the Arab world therein. And I hope that the book will make people look at the Arabian Peninsula and see beyond the clichéd narratives about urban bling, rentierism, security, and exceptional politics. I want to draw out the political similarities and interconnections between, say, Dubai and Singapore, or between the oil producing states of the Gulf and the politics of petroleum production in other parts of the world, not least the United States. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

LK: I have nowhere near exhausted the maritime project yet and I have three or four articles I really want to complete writing: about tankers as precursors of the logistical age; a meditation on the embodied experience of seafarers aboard the ships; about the role of Christian missions serving seafarers; and about carcerality and bordering as disciplinary mechanisms tested upon the bodies of dockers and seafarers. I am also going back to a project I started while I was working on Time in the Shadows about the conjuncture of masculinity and managerialism among US Navy SEALS. I set that one aside in 2012 or 2013 but given the stories about Navy SEALS in the news, and the proliferation of retired Navy SEALS in political and business ranks in the United States, I am slowly going back to it and contemplating a short-ish book dealing with the subject.

Excerpt from the book (pp. 4-6)

Think of a port as a bundle of routes and berths, of roads and rails leading away, of free zones and warehouses and the people who make and populate them. The sea routes are evanescent – whether they are ephemeral foam in the wake of a ship or digital fragments flowing through wires. When harbours are built, the material that goes into the concrete comes not only from this land but from the sea and from other places. Sometimes the roads and rail are built long after the ports, as if in an afterthought. Sometimes the free zones are built before the ports, as if in a fond wish. Geographical features near ports and harbours are remade into legal categories to facilitate their exploitation. Commercial rules; the law, in its multilayered, multivalent complexity; and transnational tribunals all reinforce some version of maritime economic and political relations. All are meant to magic into being the intercourse of commerce.

This is a book about the landside labourers who build the ports and work in them: their collective struggles, their migrations, and their gains and losses. It is also about shipboard workers, their racialisation over the centuries, and the work they do today, with eyes trained to gaze far to sea. I write about the colonial continuities of capital, and about finance and insurance and subterfuge and paternalism and pressure that are the hallmarks of these ports; about kings and bureaucrats, advisers and courtiers, and merchants and industrialists, and middlemen and brokers. And, of course, war – and the mutually constitutive relationship between violence and maritime commerce.

But this book is also specifically about the Arabian Peninsula, written from the sea, gazing at the shores. The historical accounts of the Peninsula are often radically bifurcated – a great deal of excellent works tell the story of the Peninsula as a node in historical Indian Ocean trade; many more modern accounts recount the story of a world undone and redone by oil. If maritime trade is spoken of, it is often in the context of the former, not the latter. No matter that the ports in the Peninsula are some of the biggest and highest-volume in the world. Or that there are more of them, and more people working in them, than ever in history. Or that the connections they forge – not just to destinations for petroleum and petroleum products – are global conduits not just for cargo, but for migrants, capital, new financial instruments, management regimes, and legal categories. This book is what Michael Pearson has called an ‘amphibious’ story, ‘moving between the sea and the land’ in telling the story of maritime transportation infrastructures in the Peninsula.

My interest in the area arose partially because of how the ports of the Peninsula seem to manifestly crystallise the confluence of military/naval interest, capital accumulation, and labour. I was also interested in the region because I have found that so much writing about the Peninsula exceptionalises the area or focusses on tired old scholarly clichés (whether around rentierism or the security role of the Persian Gulf). I have wanted to better understand a region whose fortunes are so tightly tied to not only other Arab countries of the Middle East but to South Asia, East Africa, East Asia, and the metropoles of Europe and North America.

The book draws on my research in several archives, including US and UK national archives, India Office Records, the UK Maritime Museum archives, the papers of Lloyd’s of London at the Liverpool Maritime archives, those of Grey Mackenzie/P&O at the London Metropolitan Archives, the British Petroleum archives, papers related to Aramco and Oman at Georgetown University Archives, and several other university archives in the US and UK where private papers of relevant historical figures are held. Other research materials include back issues of a vast range of newspapers, trade magazines, business journals and the like (some via online databases, others from the dusty shelves of libraries); memoirs, poetry, and novels written by people in the region, in businesses related to the region, or visiting the region; and vast repositories of statistics and reports produced by transnational organisations, think tanks, and management consulting firms, and the region’s governments. I also draw on landside visits to most of the main cargo ports of the region (except for those in Saudi Arabia and Yemen), interviews with a range of businessmen, government officials, workers, activists, and others with stakes in the business throughout the Peninsula, as well as my own travel on two different container ships (some of the largest on the seas today) which afforded me shipboard visits to the ports in the regions (including Jeddah in Saudi Arabia). 

This is an untidy book. It is curious about everything and hungry to tell stories. Mike Davis writes about one of the sprawling chapters in his idiosyncratic, absorbing, magisterial City of Quartz that ‘I became so attached to every sacred morsel of facts about picket fences and dog doo-doos that I failed to edit the chapter down to a reasonable length. I soon came to fear that I had made a suicidal mistake. “No one”, I told myself, “will ever read this”.’ 

I also became obsessed with everything maritime: ports and ships and the routes that led to them. The strange conjunctures of capitalism and trade and migrant labour and geopolitics and oil and dirt and filth and violence that make the sector are no less fascinating because they are made so invisible.

As sprawling as the book may be, it does not aim to be comprehensive. It does not sketch out reviews of scholarly literature, nor does it mention all possible sources about a given subject (though it cites whatever it quotes or paraphrases and what ideas have influenced its arguments). I have not alluded to a huge swathe of academic scholarship not because I did not read it or because I did not deem it worthy, but because this book wanted to do something else: it wanted to tell stories. Stories about how ports and maritime transport infrastructures have emerged out of the conjuncture of so many histories, struggles, conflicts, and plans (half-formed, implemented, and failed).

 

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Gökçe Günel, Spaceship in the Desert: Energy, Climate Change, and Urban Design in Abu Dhabi (New Texts Out Now)

[This NEWTON is part of the new Environment Page launch. All accompanying launch posts can be found here.]

Gökçe Günel, Spaceship in the Desert: Energy, Climate Change, and Urban Design in Abu Dhabi (Duke University Press, 2019).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Gökçe Günel (GG): The book grew out of a wish to examine the social lives of large-scale urban design projects. In the year 2008, I visited the United Arab Emirates for the first time, where many such projects were under construction. Masdar City was fascinating, because its planners not only offered insights about urban design, but also proposed innovative ways of imagining energy and climate futures. Designed by London-based architecture office Foster + Partners, the eco-city cost twenty-two billion dollars and would house fifty thousand residents and forty thousand commuters on a six hundred-hectare site. The site neighbored the Abu Dhabi International Airport, the Yas Marina Formula One Circuit, and the Al Ghazal Golf Course. I was drawn to thinking more deeply about how energy and climate-related issues would shape our understandings of cities. I gained access to the project thanks to faculty members and administrators at Masdar Institute—the energy-focused research center that was set up inside Masdar City by Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s (MIT) Technology and Development Program, which has now been shut down. Although my initial interest in the project centered on architectural and urban problems, Spaceship in the Desert answers a wider range of questions regarding how oil-rich economies prepare for a future with less oil, while also studying emergent business models and technological developments.

... technical adjustments obfuscate the simple realization that humans cannot continue to live and consume as they do.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

GG: Spaceship in the Desert mainly analyzes an aspiration to build what I label a “status quo utopia.” The planners of Masdar City aspired to keep existing social, political, and economic relations intact in a bounded environment, offering stability against the disruptive consequences of climate change and possible energy scarcity. For them, the status quo was a best-case scenario. Yet decision-makers in the Abu Dhabi government knew that their oil wealth was not reliable in the long run. Oil prices fluctuated, reservoirs were finite, and global demand for oil could fall drastically in the future. Under these conditions, what would be the right means for securing the status quo? Urban design solutions, new business models and technological innovations, or what I call “technical adjustments” emerged as significant tools for ensuring that contemporary social, political, and economic relations could be extended far into the future. 

Broadly speaking, I understand these technical adjustments as imaginative and wide-ranging responses to global climate change and energy scarcity, which open up certain interventions (such as extending technological complexity) while foreclosing others (such as asking larger-scale moral, ethical, and political questions regarding how to live). While producing innovative and at times fun artifacts, technical adjustments obfuscate the simple realization that humans cannot continue to live and consume as they do. The adjustments I observed at Masdar City involved market-oriented technical fixes—such as green buildings, research into renewable energy and clean technology, novel ways of imagining exchange, innovative designs for vehicles, and new global governance mechanisms. The book has five chapters, and each chapter looks at one of these technical adjustments in detail. In thinking through these artifacts, Spaceship in the Desert draws on a broad range of scholarship in anthropology, history of science, geography, and science and technology studies.

J: Could you talk about the title of the book, Spaceship in the Desert

GG: Laura, an American graduate student at Masdar Institute described Masdar City as a “spaceship in the desert” on a blog post in September 2010, and her description quickly became very popular. In the book, I analyze this metaphor, and show how space technologies have inspired ecologically sensitive architecture since the 1960s. By occupying buildings inspired by space technologies, humanity would behave like astronauts with clear outer space missions. The spaceship itself is a finite, technically sophisticated, and insular habitat for an exclusive group of astronauts facing an outside world of crises. It signifies enclosure, archiving, selection, hierarchy, movement, and—most importantly—the maintenance of strict boundaries between interior and exterior spaces. As an ark that will help save a select few, it promotes a technocratic and exclusive universalism, and produces the outside as a vacuum that should not be inhabited. In this context, the desert becomes an otherworldly, devastated space, suitable for settler-colonial interventions. A common setting for science fiction films, the desert is also a frontier that awaits exploration. 

Although technocratic sensibilities of a spaceship in the desert appear to erase politics, ethnographic research is helpful in showing that this is not the case. For instance, during my fieldwork I witnessed how six students who were about to enter into their second year as master’s students at Masdar Institute were expelled from the institution and told that they had one month before they would be deported from the country. No one explained to the students why exactly they were being asked to leave, but soon they figured it out. These six students were the only Shi‘a in the Institute. Sectarian politics of the United Arab Emirates made themselves known in this seemingly futuristic, expertise-driven context. Educational institutions, such as MIT, participated in solidifying the boundaries of the spaceship. The book features many other examples regarding technocratic practices on the spaceship that verged on what some of my interlocutors called a “technocratic dictatorship,” and it analyzes the various forms of boundary making.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

GG: My goal was to write a legible book that sheds some light on urban design, energy, and climate change issues. Like all authors, I hope it will be read widely. Not only among students and academics, but also among environmental activists, technology professionals, architects and urban planners, user experience researchers, climate change policy makers, and energy experts. The book charts the dreams, cosmologies, and technical skills of people who produce knowledge regarding energy and climate change, while situating them within larger social and economic global transformations. In many ways it seeks to hold a mirror to these experts, and I hope it will slightly shift how they see and do their work. 

Beyond its thematic foci, I think the book provides a vivid portrait of the United Arab Emirates, and touches upon dynamics that are pertinent across the Arabian Peninsula. There is great work on the Arabian Peninsula these days, and I hope Spaceship in the Desert contributes to the scholarship on this region in a novel way, looking at science, technology, and design. Overall, I am very happy that the first full-length ethnography of Abu Dhabi pushes back on common orientalist tropes and analyzes how decision-makers in the United Arab Emirates shape the global conversation on urbanism, energy, and climate change. 

Finally, I care about the craft of writing, and I hope the book reflects this interest in some ways. I would like people who do not usually read ethnographies to pick up the book, and enjoy its wry humor. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

GG: A second book project is underway. In the past ten years, I have studied the emergence of new energy infrastructures in the Arab Gulf, examining how oil-rich economies prepare for a future with less oil. This is the work that culminated in Spaceship in the Desert. In this second book project, I want to flip this question, ask how energy-poor countries that experience the impacts of climate change satisfy urgent power demands, and investigate the quick and provisional energy infrastructures they employ. 

In particular, I am looking at a floating power plant in Ghana, which supplies a quarter of the country’s electricity. Floating power plants anchor at a harbor, plug into a national grid, and generate electricity with heavy fuel oil or natural gas. The Turkish company Karadeniz Holding or, as is known across sub-Saharan Africa, Karpower, has become an increasingly popular producer of such plants in the past decade. Karpower buys old ships, retrofits them in shipyards in Tuzla, Istanbul, and leases them to countries around the world for periods of two to twenty years. 

In the book project, I am broadly asking how a floating power plant comes to emerge. What are the conditions that facilitate the materialization of such provisional infrastructure? The four chapters of the book will answer this question. They will study the construction of floating power plants in shipyards in Tuzla, Istanbul, investigate business relations between Turkey and sub-Saharan Africa by drawing on a diplomatic trip I attended with the Turkish President Erdoğan, look at the desire for skipping fossil fuels and leapfrogging to renewables in sub-Saharan Africa, and finally investigate the kinds of funding that are made available to African countries for construction of energy infrastructure. The fieldwork for the project took place mainly in Istanbul and Accra, and I am writing about a context that is very different from the United Arab Emirates. I am excited that this project allows me to continue thinking about ships and energy in this new context. 

Beyond this book project, I am working on a review piece on energy humanities, and I have articles in the pipeline about a variety of topics including Gulf Futurism, ethnographic research methods, and paper airplane tickets.

 

Excerpt from the book (pp. 54-61)

Official Opening   

The official opening of the Masdar Institute campus, perhaps a metonymical representation of Masdar City, was scheduled for November 23, 2010. The campus—which contained laboratories, residential units, classrooms, a cafeteria, a coffee shop, a small gym, and a “Knowledge Center,” as well as open landscaped areas between these facilities—was argued to be the first structure of its kind to be powered entirely by solar energy. The residential units boasted terra-cotta walls of reinforced concrete and relied on contemporary interpretations of mashrabiyas, vernacular wooden-latticed screens, to block sunlight and allow for privacy. The laboratory buildings incorporated horizontal and vertical fins and brise soleil to ensure shade inside the buildings. The Masdar Institute’s students and faculty, who were already living on campus or commuting there daily, reflected on these material conditions in daily conversations and blog posts, and they observed and sometimes guided the various architects, consultants, and visitors who regularly inspected the site.

When the day of the inauguration ceremony came, the students had important roles to play in it. A day before the event, they all received an email attachment with instructions on where they would be stationed throughout the ceremony, and how they would approach the high-profile visitors to the building, such as Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, crown prince of Abu Dhabi. The document specified: “You need to identify yourselves and greet the guests by saying: Thank you for coming to Masdar Institute Inauguration, we are delighted to have you here, we will show you to the prt cars.” While six students were to welcome visitors at the prt station, fourteen others were asked to be present at the Knowledge Center, “reading, working on laptops, checking books at 1st floor of the library,” so as to allow the visitors to experience the building in operation. The remaining hundred or so students would be stationed at different locations on campus at different times.

The students were provided with a fact sheet with answers to questions such as “What makes Masdar City special?” as well as reference points for their potential conversations with guests. They would redeploy Masdar’s marketing and promotional campaigns, this time through informal conversations, while making use of the half-working material artifacts on site as props. What they staged would serve as a natural representation of the future of Masdar Institute, with busy students absorbed in their work, “reading, working on laptops, checking books at the 1st floor of the library.” When presenting the Institute, it somehow made more sense to introduce that abstract future, rather than showcasing the current state of indeterminacy the fledgling institution was trying to overcome. In this performance, the students not only pretended to exist in the future, they also demonstrated the perpetual potential of the project.

[…]

The science fiction or utopia that Masdar Institute represented was further enacted and confirmed through high-profile visits to the campus. By relying on a predetermined statement about the campus, the marketing department employees introduced the various research projects on site to their guests, which ranged from Hollywood celebrities such as Adrian Brody and James Cameron, to politicians such as U.S. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton and South Korean Prime Minister Kim Hwang-sik, to investors interested in building eco-hotel chains or organic grocery stores. These high-profile visits not only helped showcase the multiple advancements on renewable energy and clean technology, but also supported publicity campaigns in national and international media outlets. When the movie star Clive Owen toured the Masdar Institute, for instance, his comments ran under the headline “Masdar Looks Like a City from the Future: Owen” in the national English-language newspaper Khaleej Times. Owen, who had starred in acclaimed science fiction films such as Children of Men (2006), suggested that a science fiction film be shot at the Institute.

But some of Masdar’s employees voiced concerns about these guided tours. “You can’t question the marketing statements,” one Masdar executive told me during a conversation in his office. “Then I hear people ridiculing the place on the [private tour] bus, because they’re not stupid. So we have to tell them the truth.” He continued, “Here, when someone says it works, you have to agree, even though you’re wrong.” Around the time of our conversation, an article appeared in a German publication titled “The Ruptured Dream of the Desert City Masdar” (Der geplatzte Traum der Wüstenstadt Masdar). The article described Masdar City as “a mirage that falls apart as you get closer to it,” and argued that the technologies Masdar promoted did not actually work. Finally, it concluded, Masdar is “a lesson for howdelusions of grandeur, technical mistakes, and above all poor planning can rob a fascinating idea of its credibility.” Executives at Masdar City, above all Sultan Al-Jaber, the chief executive officer whom the article directly criticized, were enraged. A Masdar employee who was on her way out of the company told me that she very much agreed with the points the article made. While indicating perpetual potential, the repeated performance of a totalizing future could cause the Masdar City project to slowly lose its credibility, rendering it a disappointing mirage. 

Abu Dhabi is perceived to be a perfect location for harnessing solar energy. However, according to Mahmood, a thirty-something Egyptian-born engineer at Masdar, this perception was not completely accurate. Upon finishing his PhD at an American university, and wishing to be closer to home, Mahmood had accepted a position at Masdar as his first job. As we chatted outside a solar power station, he stated that high levels of dust and humidity were blocking direct solar rays and causing thick coatings on the solar panels, diminishing their effective functioning. “Although we can’t fix the first problem that easily, we have found a solution for the second problem,” he continued. “We call it ‘man with a brush.’” 

There were ongoing experiments at a small solar power station on the Masdar City site as well as many other testing sites around the world, but during the time of our conversation, none of them had been put into large-scale use. In Mahmood’s understanding, the man with a brush, a worker dedicated to gently wiping away dust and mud from the solar panels, became part of the picture, only to reveal the infrastructural potential embedded within the solar panels. Man with a brush could perform a feat that extensive technological innovations could not so far handle, and therefore was fundamental to the emergent renewable energy and clean technology sector of Abu Dhabi. The man with a brush was South Asian or perhaps from the Philippines, he shared a room with other workers in a labor camp outside Abu Dhabi, and he walked around the Masdar City site cleaning solar panels on a daily basis. Overall, the immigrant labor force served as a most effective and essential resource for the materialization and functioning of renewable energy and clean technology infrastructures in the UAE. Yet these humans, who were making the infrastructure work, were most often perceived as disposable tools. Masdar City attempted to help humanity fight climate change and energy scarcity problems, but its understanding of humanity was particular and selective. It did not include the man with a brush. 

When I asked Mohammed, a Bangladeshi man who worked in the kitchen and served the Masdar Institute president’s guests, earning six hundred dirham per month (roughly US$160) in exchange for roughly two hundred hours of work, if he knew why so many individuals and groups find the campus worthy of a visit, he shook his head no, then added that a professor at the Institute had told him that solar panels provide energy to the campus. A few days later, Daniel, the on-site architect with Foster + Partners, criticized the conception of renewable energy and clean technology within the compounds of the UAE. “How could sustainability truly be targeted when there is this little attention paid to human capital?” he asked, pointing to the harsh working conditions for the large populations of migrant workers within the United Arab Emirates. Daniel had spent most of his professional career in the United Kingdom prior to moving to Abu Dhabi for the Masdar project, and he had also lived in Germany. He told me that “sustainability is also about claiming some sort of justice, and making sure that what we build leads this very young country toward a better direction. It is also about some kind of equality.” Daniel emphasized that the manual labor that was enabling the construction and maintenance of the projects was too often glossed over, at times framed as a disposable tool, and finally excluded from the future of the spaceship in the desert.

At Masdar City, oil would cease to be the main currency, driverless electric pods would replace cars, and, eventually, possible environmental problems would be avoided through meticulous research and technological discovery. In this science fiction–style narrative, the social and political injustices did not seem to matter much.