Statement on Male Violence and Sexual Harassment in Kurdish Studies

Statement on Male Violence and Sexual Harassment in Kurdish Studies

Statement on Male Violence and Sexual Harassment in Kurdish Studies

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[This letter was issued in English and Kurdish by a group of anonymous women within the field of Kurdish studies. When asked for background and context, they shared the following via email: This letter is written by a group of women in Kurdish Studies. We would like to call attention to the long-time neglected issues of male violence (both direct and indirect forms) and sexual abuse in academia. We express our support for women who have been targeted and harassed by anyone speaking from the position of power. Kurdish women are underrepresented in academia and we hope that this letter opens a venue for further discussion on why this is the case and how it can be changed towards the better.]

Male Violence and Sexual Harassment in Kurdish Studies


Women are sexually and physically abused every day. Male violence and sexual harassment can be physical, psychological, verbal or online. Any behavior of sexual, psychological and physical nature targeting women’s integrity is extremely stressful and life-threatening. Although the definition of male violence and sexual harassment is clear in universities’ policy documents, violations of the policy are neglected and normalized as part of the unequal power relations existing in academia. Both male 
violence and sexual harassment are systemic problems.

We, a group of women scholars, students, and researchers in Kurdish Studies, condemn any form of male violence and sexual harassment. We stand up against male violence and sexual harassment and remind everyone that none of us are alone anymore.


The abusers silence women in multiple ways:

  1. they re-victimize the survivors by invalidating the violence as slander and by twisting the boundaries of consent and coercion;
  2. they ostracize and shame women for being abused, and
  3. they call for the support of the senior members (women & men) to legitimize the violence.


Bureaucratic tools are often used to (re)produce abusive sexual relations.
The police and the academic structures are often misogynistic and patriarchal.


We extend our support to our brave colleagues who struggle against any form of male violence and sexual harassment.


We condemn any form of disrespectful actions of our colleagues. We also condemn anyone who gives support to the perpetrators. It is easier to talk about sensitive topics when there is no risk for one’s self. But genuine support means standing with women who have been targeted by those in positions of power.


We are stronger together. We say it loud one more time:
Women in Kurdish Studies act in solidarity!


Signed anonymously by a group of women in Kurdish Studies


Tundî û Destdirêjiya Cinsî ya Mêran di Lêkolînên Kurdî de


Jin, her roj rastî destdirêjiya cinsî û fîzîkî tên. Tundiya mêran û destdirêjiya cinsî dikarin bi awayên laşî, derûnî, devkî an jî online bin. Tevgerên psîkolojîk, cinsî û fîzîkî ku hevgirtina jinê hedef digire bi xwe re zext û xetereya jiyanê derdixe holê. Tevî ku di belgeyên polîtîkaya zanîngehan de pênaseya tundiya mêran û destdirêjiya cinsî bi zelalî hatibe ravekirin jî
binpêkirinên polîtîkayê wekî parçeyek ji têkiliya hêzên newekhev ên di akademiyan de têne paşguhkirin û normalîzekirin e. Hem tundiya mêr, hem jî destdirêjiya cinsî pirsgirêkên pergalê ne.

Em, wekî komek ji jinên zanyar, xwendekar û lêkolînerên di Lêkolînên Kurdî de, her cûreya tûndiya mêr û destdirêjiya zayendî şermezar dikin. Em li dijî tundiya mêran û destdirêjiya cinsî radiwestin û em dixwazin bi bîr bînin ku êdî kes ji me ne bi tenê ye.

Destdirêjker bi gelek awayan jinan bêdeng dikin:

  1. Ew, tundiyê dîsa li kesên rizgarbûyî dikin piştre dibêjin ew ne rast e bêbextî ye, sînorên razîbûnê û qanekirinê ditewişînin û wan kesan ji nû ve mexdûr dikin.
  2. Ew, jinan ji ber destdirêjiya ku hatiye serê wan, direcimînin û wan dixin ber fediyê.
  3. Ew, banga piştevaniya endamên payebilind (jin û mêran) dikin da ku tund û tujî yê rewa bibînin.

Amûrên burokratîk bi gelemperî ji bo hilberîna têkiliyên cinsî yên destdirêjker tên bikaranîn. Polîs û avayên akademîkî bi gelemperî misyonîst û baviksalar in.

Em piştgiriya hevalbendên xwe yên wêrek ên ku li dijî her cûreyên tundiya mêran û destdirêjiya cinsî têdikoşin, dikin.

Em her cûreya kiryarên bêbingeh ên li ser hevkarên xwe şermezar dikin. Herwiha, em her kesên ku piştgiriyê didin tawanbaran jî rexne dikin. Gava xetereyek ji bo kesekî tune be ewçax axaftina li ser mijarên hesas hêsantir dibe. Piştgiriya ji dil ew e ku mirov li cem wan jinan bisekine ku ew bûne hedefa êrîşa kesên bihêz û payebilind.

Em bi hev re xurtir in. Em careke din bi dengekî bilind dibêjin: Jin di lêkolînên Kurdî de bi hevkarî tev digerin!

Ev nivîs bi anonîmî ji hêla komek jinên ku Lêkolînên Kurdî dikin ve hatiye amadekirin.

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412