Lori Allen, A History of False Hope: Investigative Commissions in Palestine (New Texts Out Now)

Lori Allen, A History of False Hope: Investigative Commissions in Palestine (New Texts Out Now)

Lori Allen, A History of False Hope: Investigative Commissions in Palestine (New Texts Out Now)

By : Lori Allen

Lori Allen, A History of False Hope: Investigative Commissions in Palestine (Stanford University Press, 2020).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Lori Allen (LA): This book is the result of a curiosity about why so many Palestinians and their advocates have resorted to international law as a means of achieving their rights. It has been a puzzle to me since the time of my fieldwork in the occupied Palestinian territory, which I began during the second intifada in 2000. It was around then that I started to realize what a sham form of politics the human rights system was, and what the smoke and mirrors of the United Nations was doing to confuse and obscure political thought in and about the conflict. So many smart and well-intentioned people kept the merry-go-round of the international legal system spinning, despite all evidence that it provided mostly dizziness, and little to nothing in the way of protection of Palestinians’ rights and security. It certainly offered no kind of strategy for achieving their national self-determination. I wondered where this compulsion came from. 

I do not remember how I hit on investigative commissions as the lens through which to examine these issues. But like a magnifying glass angled just right onto a dry leaf to make it burn, commissions of inquiry emerged as an enlightening way to let the ideological shelter of liberal legalism crumble. Liberal legalism has at its core the idea that law is a distinct sphere of action that runs on the basis of objective rules, which can yield predictable and fair results when applied in a juridical process. This is a source of the false hope of my book’s title. Usually consisting of academics, lawyers, military, and other experts, investigative commissions are favored by governments the world over as a mechanism for looking like they are producing policy on the firm basis of fact. Through their activation of international law, commissions have propagated liberal legalism as a useable norm of political practice among Palestinians and others seeking a means to end the conflict. This book is my attempt to understand the power of international humanitarian and human rights law—and the liberal legalism on which it rests—as ideological force and propagator of false hope. 

In a way, this book is an expression of my naïve astonishment at how Palestinians have been denied their freedom, so brazenly and brutally, for so long. I still ask, how can this be? A History of False Hope is another attempt to understand the intransigence of Palestinians’ unfreedom. Investigative commissions are not the reason, but they help reveal some of the characters, expectations, norms, and biases ensuring a political stasis that entrenches Israeli control over Palestine and Palestinians. Investigative commissions, despite their apparent lack of political efficacy, and despite being labeled by critics as a political smoke screen, have been for decades a consistent feature of international engagement with Palestine. Through each commission, in each historical era, we see specific demands made of Palestinians who are urged to perform an ever-shifting range of sentiments—from properly contained nationalist passion to humanitarian sympathy, balance, and compromise, to hope and sincere suffering—to prove their political worthiness. The continually shape-shifting criteria end up being impossible to fulfill. New assurances of globally dispersed democracy and new audiences that promise empathetic listening inspire hope that the latest manifestation of the international community will live up to its liberal ideals. I wanted A History of False Hope to reveal how the power of international law as ideology functions in so many people’s lives.

A thread of liberal commitments runs throughout, entangling Palestinians and those who would deny them their freedom together with international law.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

LA: A History of False Hope traces the life of international law in Palestine to explain how some Palestinians have found in liberalism an ideology and political methodology through which to speak to that nebulous audience, “the international community,” and mobilize solidarity around their fight for independence and human rights. In analyzing six major investigative commissions covering the period from 1919 to today, I show how Palestinians have engaged with various permutations of “the international community.” The book presents a different kind of transnational history of Palestine. For over a century, commissions have been convening a motley crew of characters, from UN diplomats like Fayez Sayegh and politicians like US Senator George Mitchell; Palestinian nationalist firebrands such as Akram Zuʿaytir and ʿIzzat Darwaza; judges including Richard Goldstone, alongside Palestinian lawyers and legal scholars from all over; humanist advocates such as South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Albert Hourani; and Palestinian victims of Israeli military attacks and their human rights defenders. A thread of liberal commitments runs throughout, entangling Palestinians and those who would deny them their freedom together with international law. 

I hope to intervene in both critical legal studies and legal anthropology to open up our view of how expansively the tentacles of international law reach—and here it is specifically international humanitarian and human rights law. International law is a realm in which subaltern subjects, functionaries of imperialism, middle-class bureaucrats, nationalist aspirants, and internationalist visionaries have all engaged, asserting their own interpretations of what is universal and what counts as order. Drawing on ethnographic research and an anthropological approach to the archives, A History of False Hope is an alternative history of liberalism and international law. It places actors from the Global South in the same analytical field—and on the same liberal plane—as the Euro-Americans who typically populate histories of international law. In so doing, it presents a historical ethnography of lived liberalism that throws the limits, blind spots, and contradictions of liberal internationalism into relief.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work? 

LA: This book is something of a prequel to my first book, The Rise and Fall of Human Rights: Cynicism and Politics in Occupied Palestine (Stanford University Press, 2013), which was an ethnography of the human rights world in Palestine. The story in that book reached back to the 1970s, and tracked the increasing entrenchment of a human rights imagination in Palestinian politics and society throughout the first and second intifadas and into the evolution of the Palestinian Authority. A History of False Hope extends that story further in the past via research through seven Arabic language newspapers and twenty-one archives in several countries. It brings the story up to date with an examination of how the Goldstone Mission and the International Criminal Court sparked further hope that an end to Israeli impunity was at hand.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

LA: I hope that anyone interested in Palestine, Israel, international law, liberalism, anthropology, human rights, political theory, and history in general would read this book and learn something new.

Even the most avid partisans to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict may be surprised by some of my findings, including the expressions of compassion by Palestinians towards the plight of the Jews after World War II, and the level of interest expressed by Arab states in trying to help Jewish displaced persons in that period. They may be shocked at the depth and breadth of liberalism guiding Palestinian politics over the past century. That Palestinians had detailed plans in place for a democratic Palestine with constitutional guarantees of equal citizenship for all, including Jews and other minorities, in 1919 and 1946 may also prompt a fresh look at this conflict. What the standard histories normally report (and condemn) are the Palestinians’ refusals to agree to bad deals for partial autonomy and partition of their country. I hope this book contributes to setting the record straight, provoking a greater appreciation of the recurrent refusals by Zionists and Westerners to agree to democratic solutions to “the problem of Palestine.”

Another goal is that this reassessment of the deep and more recent past will prompt in those who place their trust in the liberal international order a reconsideration of where they put their political energies.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

LA: Although my book is 408 pages long, it was set to be longer until an editor suggested politely that I cut a chapter lest the tome be mistaken for a recyclable door stop. (She did not really say that last part.) So, my blow-by-blow account of the Peel Commission—the British Royal Commission that sought to tamp down the Arab Revolt of 1936 and made the partitioning of Palestine an official recommendation—is awaiting transformation into a journal article. Or perhaps a pilot for a television series. 

I have been moving away from Palestine-specific research with a more internationally ambitious study I am planning on the topic of academic freedom. Any student or teacher can see that the legal space for critical thought and status-quo-disrupting discussion on campus is being chiseled at the knees—by everything from the elimination of gender studies programs in Brazil to universities adopting the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of anti-Semitism that is being deployed to stifle speech critical of Israel throughout Europe; from death threats, harassment, and dismissal of radical scholars in the United States to the purging of academics in Turkey. The list goes on. I am interested in why “academic freedom”—seemingly a niche interest of a privileged elite cosseted within their ivory towers—has become such a fraught political battleground these days. I want to write about the uneven history and presence of such clashes. 


Excerpt from the book (from the Conclusion: Toward an Anthropology of International Law, and Next Time and Again for Palestine, pp. 240-242, 250-251)

As ethnographers tend to do, I have developed some kind of personal relationship with many of the characters who populate these pages, though I met only a few of them in person. The wry sarcasm of Fayez Sayegh impressed and amused me so much that I had to read out quotes to my partner, Fayez’s nephew. The hubris of William Yale and the authoritarian grouchiness of Judge Singleton infuriated me as much as Texas Joe’s civil rights sincerity and his blindness to its limitations. The tension of personal ambition and political goodwill in Howard Lybyer left me strained between appreciation for his anticolonial efforts and irritation at his petty self-regard. And the fire of the Palestinian women’s righteous anger written into petitions to the Peel Commission bowled me over, and then flattened me with the knowledge that the deaths of their sisters-in-arms left nothing more than families without mothers, daughters, and sisters, not liberation. 

Like some historians, I have tried to become familiar with these people, their “faces and pains, emotions and the authorities created to control them” (Farge 2004: 96) in order to articulate the past historically and, in Walter Benjamin’s (1974) words, seize hold of memory “as it flashes up at a moment of danger.” And like any anthropologist, out of respect and gratitude to those who have shared something of the dangers of their lives, even those who have done so without consent from the grave, I have been anxious to prevent any imposition of meaning upon them, and eager to allow their sense and sensibilities—including those I found objectionable—to come through, not without interpretation, but by some humble facilitation. In attempting this, the obverse of a magician’s trick, I have included many long quotes of speeches and interchanges between Palestinians and their interrogators, investigators, and sympathizers. It is from a sense of humility, respect, conviction, and mission that I have attempted to smuggle them past the editor’s scythe.

While the transcripts of words exchanged in the sometimes stilted frame of a commission room may not bring the people who spoke them fully to life, their words do, I think, reveal much of their humanity. Yet this is something which, when it comes to Palestinians, astonishingly still has to be proven today. Their considered arguments, their refusals to be baited, the heated and calm assertions of what is right and what was at risk, the litanies of historical facts that Palestinians brought to bear to try to convince those who might see sense. They reveal how much (confident expectation, puzzle-piece logic, sublimated anger, personal experience that made arguments known in the bones) they deployed at every moment when it seemed like a system of terrible injustice might finally be righted, when a people might finally be freed, a future opened up. I have sought to show how reasonable were their expectations when seen through the liberal lens; how emotionally satisfying and maybe politically necessary were their hopes; how sincere were their desires to be heard; and how enraging, how tragic, was the devastation of disappointment at each turn.

This effort at bringing the methods and intentions of subaltern studies to a history of international law “from below” is meant to do something more than recover the lives, aspirations, and agency of those largely written out of history—although it has, I hope, done something of that too (and more on which below) (Rajagopal 2003). It has also been aimed at revealing a record of hopeful proposals that, had they been taken more seriously by those who had the power to act on them, might have saved the lives of countless. They might have eliminated the chains of events that have left so many people drenched in the sorrow of dispossession and separation, abandoning them to exist for generations with the simmering and sometimes explosive frustration of lives immobilized and deaths mourned under siege. How many today know, or could be induced to believe, that Arab leaders repeatedly and with avowed compassion invited refugee Jews to find harbor and home in their Middle Eastern countries after World War II? That Palestinians had detailed plans in place for a democratic Palestine with constitutional guarantees of equal citizenship for all, Jew and Arab, in 1919 and 1946? What the standard histories normally report (and condemn) are the Palestinians’ refusals to agree to bad deals for partial autonomy and partition of their country. There is little record of the Zionists’ and Westerners’ refusals to agree to democratic solutions. With a nod to liberal values, let these pages help balance that historiographical scale a little.

Subaltern studies’ research methods and attitudes produced a democratized historiography, a broadened view of the more diverse range of actors and movements playing starring roles in their own stories. It opened up conceptions of where history happens and who makes it, away from the authorized versions that supported the already dominant. In proffering a critique of Whig history, it helped redefine the meaning of history itself. In this spirit, A History of False Hope has sought to expand understanding of international law, to recognize its functioning in the lives and imaginations of regular people. Finding it in the everyday of newspaper commentary and commission transcripts, in street banners and tapestries, in the words of Kuwaiti poets, housewives at the UN, and grandfathers in Gaza.

[…] In the midst of this crosshatch of approaches to engaging with international law, there have always been, and continue to be, voices whispering for wariness toward it. Palestinians did, after all, greet every early investigative commission with trepidation (before they decided to engage). More recently, the whispers have grown into something more resounding, with a notable generation of intellectuals calling for a stance of “disenchantment” toward international law. As legal scholar Nimer Sultany (2011) has put it bluntly:

Let us face it: it is not only that the reality of power often trumps humanist and universal moral codes like those expressed in the law of nations (e.g., international humanitarian law); it is also that these universal codes are often too abstract, contradictory and ineffective to be instrumental in advancing concrete outcomes.

With perhaps more optimism, human rights attorney and legal scholar Noura Erakat (2019) likewise encourages advocates to “tempe[r] their faith in the law’s capacity to do what only a critical mass of people are capable of achieving.”

And yet, as A History of False Hope has shown, many Palestinians and others have acted as if international law’s methods could have an effect on their own, or that the support of Palestinian rights through international legal terms was a concrete positive outcome in and of itself. Palestinians have often turned to international law as if it is the end of the story, not as a singular instrument of what has to be a much larger and more complicated orchestra. This lack of strategy has been evident in every era, but the PLO/PA under Yasir Arafat’s leadership is perhaps the most obvious instance. As someone active in the NSU during the time of the Mitchell Committee commented to me, “The leadership was flailing, as always. They engaged with the Mitchell Committee as if it were just another arrow in the quiver to be tossed about.” When I asked another member of the team what plan had been in place to make use of the committee’s report, he just laughed through his nose and shook his head. There was no strategy.

[…] In Palestine (laying down the gauntlet now), international law has been an antirevolutionary pacifying force. (Certainly, some will see that as a good thing, and others not.) For a hundred years, international law has been a black hole: the massive weight of its mechanisms, both ideological and institutional, have pulled energies and actors, ideas and motivations deep within it, suffocating their vitality. International law has channeled nationalist passions into “reasonable” discussion; expressed the ache for justice in the numb language of UN resolutions; condensed histories of agony, exile, repression, and dispossession into false assertions of balance in the here and now. The activation of international law through investigative commissions has been a dominant mechanism through which liberalism exercises its power: it spins a vortex that vacuums liberalism’s bright ideals into itself where those who would be saved clutch onto it, eager to combine with it, to be lit—to be seen—by the brightness. And then it throws them back out, only to be caught up in the whirlwind again next time. “Next time” and “again” it has always been for the Palestinians. 

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.