Bahia Shehab and Haytham Nawar, A History of Arab Graphic Design (New Texts Out Now)

Bahia Shehab and Haytham Nawar, A History of Arab Graphic Design (New Texts Out Now)

Bahia Shehab and Haytham Nawar, A History of Arab Graphic Design (New Texts Out Now)

By : Bahia Shehab and Haytham Nawar

Bahia Shehab and Haytham Nawar, A History of Arab Graphic Design (The American University in Cairo Press, 2020).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Bahia Shehab (BS): We wrote this book because we felt an urgent need for the documentation and preservation of our history. Growing up during the civil war in Lebanon I witnessed archives and educational institutions being destroyed every day. As a result, I realized that there was an urgent need to preserve all of this knowledge. The best way to preserve knowledge, especially when there is a lack of stable institutions, is to put it in a book.

Haytham Nawar (HN): As a starting point, the book is part of the graphic design program curriculum designed by my colleague Bahia Shehab and taught at the American University in Cairo. On a person level, different occasions triggered the need to write such a book during my different travels and based on my international teaching experience. I have noticed that the graphic design world history does not really include all the work created globally. There is a big colonial question mark in our field. One of the instances that made me want to fill this gap was when the history of graphic design was part of my teaching in the design school at the Polytechnic University in Hong Kong, and one of my Chinese colleagues was teaching East Asia design history separately. Another time, I was traveling to Brazil and found a big book about one hundred years of Brazilian graphic design. This book’s content never appeared in any general history source about graphic design. When I came back to Egypt and met with Bahia, we decided to collaborate on this big project.

We explore the lives and accomplishments of different designers (five generations, according to our research) some of whom were the founding fathers of design in different parts of the Arab world...

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address? 

BS & HN: The book looks at the history of Arab graphic design and tries to trace its birth and origins. It also documents the work of Arab graphic designers and their individual heritage in an attempt to highlight what Arab visual culture is and how the perception of it has evolved over the last century. We tried to connect the history of design in the Islamic world with modern times, through the art of the book. We explore the lives and accomplishments of different designers (five generations, according to our research) some of whom were the founding fathers of design in different parts of the Arab world, from Morocco and Sudan to Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine. We try to tie the work of these designers with the social and political events that were unfolding in their time. Among the topics of the books, we have covered various themes such as: Nasser’s pan Arab project; the Palestinian cause; the Lebanese civil war; the Egyptian and the Lebanese open-door policy in the 1970s; the establishment of art and design schools in the Arab world; the Independence of Arab states; and design in relation to culture, the state, and the consumer.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work? 

BS & HN: Both of us work as university professors and design history is part of what we teach. Although our other individual research and artistic projects might be related to this book, the most relevant answer is that we needed a textbook to support and enrich what we teach. Throughout our career, we came across different artists and designers, and we have collected various material to share with our students. Hence, this book is essentially the continuation of an ongoing life project. 

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

BS & HN: A History of Arab Graphic Design is the first book on this topic, and we are hoping that it will become a cornerstone for the canon. The book is for students of art and design, emerging designers and artists, art and design historians, and anyone interested in the history of visual culture in the Arab world. We hope that our students in and from the Arab world will be interested in reading the book. We target those who are interested in learning more about their history and designers and historians in different parts of the world who are interested in a parallel narrative for the history of graphic design in the world. Ideally, the book will fill a generation gap in the Arab world and educate our students and the coming generations about their heritage and the richness of our history. 

We would also like to change the global history of graphic design by rewriting it and educating the global audience about this part of history. We did a part of this by contributing with the research in our region, but the global design history also includes other regions. We look forward to reading the work of scholars who will reflect on our book and build on it.  

We are also hopeful that the book is read by the general public, the people who are not artists or designers by education. We would hope that this book is important in making people think and wonder about the importance and impact of design, and its relation to culture. Design is a practice that is not always acknowledged by professionals themselves and that is widely unnoticed by the public audience in the Arab world.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

BS: I am releasing You Can Crush the Flowers: A Visual Memoir of the Egyptian Revolution, a new book to commemorate ten years of the Egyptian uprising. It is published by Gingko Library in the UK. I have also launched Typelab@AUC, which is a platform for the dissemination of knowledge on and about Arabic letters and their calligraphers and designers.

HN: I am currently working on a book on an African narrative of design and visual cultures, and another about scripts of Egypt and the coexistence of different writing systems in Egypt, historically and until modern times, and from a design point of view. Also, I am working on an artistic project about generative language using AI technology.

 

Excerpt from the book (from the Introduction)

The history of Arab graphic design is closely tied to the cultural, social, political, and economic context in which that design was created. As citizens of formerly colonized nations, Arab graphic designers grappled with questions of identity and nationalist formation that were specific to their region and common to those of other newly emergent countries of the Global South. This book attempts to trace the people and events that were integral to the shaping of a field of graphic design in the Arab world.

In conducting this survey, we highlight the work of key graphic designers, our aim being to document an aspect of Arab life and culture that has historically gone unnoticed, so ingrained is it in everyday life. While there are over twenty-eight other languages that use the Arabic script, the most prominent of which are Persian, Ottoman Turkish, and Urdu, this book documents the work of designers and institutions in and from the Arabic-speaking world, defined as the twenty-two nations represented in the League of Arab States.

To date, the study of graphic design has been focused primarily on Western discourses of the practice. Political turmoil in different parts of the Arab world, moreover, impressed upon us the urgency of documenting what was available to us before it disappears. It would be impossible to include everything we have encountered in a single book, so the selection process was a daunting one, but there were other constraining factors. One was the availability of the material: some designers simply refused to allow their work to be published. Still other designers have passed on without leaving behind an archive of their work; many of them were also artists who prioritized their art over their design practice, or their work was lost due to political unrest in their home countries. Accessibility at a more fundamental level was also a problem, since we were unable to visit certain countries. Overall, the scarcity of archives and references made the task of collecting material on Arab graphic designers a very difficult one.

We begin our historical survey by trying to understand the influences on Arab graphic design of Islamic art, which was the prevalent form of visual language in the Arab world before the formation of Arab nation-states in the aftermath of the First World War. We then turn to the advancement of printing and its emergence in European countries at the turn of the fifteenth century. The role of calligraphers and art schools, and the blurring of lines between the roles of artist, designer, and calligrapher in earlier times, are explored in chapter 2. The impact of cinema and the formation of key publishing institutions are covered in chapter 3. Since graphic design is directly tied to technological advances in knowledge sharing and dissemination, we highlight key moments such as the introduction of the Arabic typewriter and of computers.

The first design pioneers that we know of started working in the 1940s and 1950s. These designers helped shape Arab graphic design following the independence of Arab states in the early twentieth century. As political events in the region gathered pace, they became key to Arab visual expression, with the rise of the Palestinian resistance and its artists taking center stage. This is explored in parallel to design expressions and events that emerged in other parts of the Arab world. The sheer volume of visual content rose dramatically in the 1960s and 1970s due to the development of printing techniques and publishing houses, which led to wider dissemination, but also as a result of new ideas that were in currency at the time. The wars against Israel, Palestinian national demands, and ideals of Arab unity were all events and ideas that gripped the Arab psyche in this period. Arab dictatorships and military regimes and, eventually, globalization came to play major roles in shaping Arab visual communication techniques and strategies. The mass migration of artists and designers from different parts of the Arab world is discussed in detail, in addition to the difficulty of movement faced by artists in exile. 

Through interviews conducted with prominent Arab designers residing in France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the United States, and other parts of the world, this book documents a history that is not limited to the geographical boundaries of the Arab countries. Although we began with the aim of researching the work of Arab designers and artists who reside within the Arabic-speaking world, political and economic realities compelled us to explore the work of Arab designers in the diaspora as well. 

From the 1980s, with the rise of computers and widespread economic liberalization, it becomes possible to discern a clear shift in Arab visual expression—from manual to digitized graphic design. The final chapter looks at the post–civil war revival of artistic and intellectual activity in Beirut, which planted the seeds of a new global Arab design movement. The work of key Arab artists who influenced graphic design is covered, in view of the historical overlap between the roles of designer and artist in the Arab world.

The term ‘graphic design’ has undergone a process of evolution ever since the need for the field arose in the region. The tasks that required the intervention of a designer were publishing, advertising, entertainment, propaganda, and branding design. In the early twentieth century, an artist who was responsible for the layout of magazines was called an artistic director. Designers were mostly artists who worked in the commercial realm, sometimes in collaboration with calligraphers.

Our research documents works that we were able to access within the time frame we had allotted for this book. It is by no means a comprehensive study of the history of Arab graphic design. The information here is, to our knowledge, only the tip of the iceberg. It is incomplete and we hope that others will, too, in time, fill in the gaps.

As design educators, we felt the need to start connecting previous generations of designers with future ones. Hence, for us, this book is primarily an educational tool to help us introduce our students to their visual ancestors and to create the awareness that there has always been design expression in and from the Arab world.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.