Iraqi Poet Sinan Antoon Looks Back On Donald Rumsfeld's Career On NPR (Audio)

Iraqi Poet Sinan Antoon Looks Back On Donald Rumsfeld's Career On NPR (Audio)

Iraqi Poet Sinan Antoon Looks Back On Donald Rumsfeld's Career On NPR (Audio)

By : Jadaliyya Interview

After the recent death of former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, who oversaw the U.S. invasion of Iraq, NPR's Lulu Garcia-Navarro speaks with Iraqi poet and scholar Sinan Antoon about his legacy.

Transcript


Lulu Garcia-Navarro (Host): 
No other issue defined Donald Rumsfeld's second term as secretary of defense as much as the Iraq War. Now after his death this past week, we're looking back at his career. The war that began in 2003 is considered one of the deadliest and costliest mistakes of American foreign policy, killing hundreds of thousands of Iraqis and thousands of American service people and sapping the United States of billions of dollars. Rumsfeld never admitted to any error, despite the fact that the premise for the war - that the dictator Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction - was a lie. To get reaction from an Iraqi about Rumsfeld's legacy, we're joined now by Iraqi scholar and poet Sinan Antoon. Thank you so much for being with us.

Sinan Antoon: Thank you for having me.

Garcia-Navarro: What was your reaction to hearing the news that Donald Rumsfeld had died?

Antoon: I thought of hell and if there is a special place in hell for war criminals. In a more ideal world, everyone would acknowledge that Donald Rumsfeld was a war criminal whose actions are responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis. So I don't know how to describe my feeling, but it just brought back the tragedy of the destruction of a country called Iraq and the fact that millions of Iraqis suffer the consequences of some of Donald Rumsfeld's decisions.

Garcia-Navarro: Yeah, one of my Iraqi friends texted me saying he is in the VIP lounge of hell. The AP had this quote from one Iraqi citizen - he didn't liberate us. This is a myth. He killed us and told us to thank him for it.

I mean, your reaction seems to be a common one in Iraq. What have you heard from other Iraqis?

Antoon: My earliest memory of Mr. Donald Rumsfeld is when I was a teenager in our living room in Baghdad, I saw on the evening news Saddam Hussein receiving Donald Rumsfeld, who was the emissary of President Ronald Reagan. And the United States was heavily supporting Saddam Hussein and his regime despite all of his crimes. So when Donald Rumsfeld resurfaces again in the Bush administration and begins to speak of democracy and liberty, I have that image of him exchanging smiles with Saddam Hussein.

Garcia-Navarro: And what does that tell you?

Antoon: What the United States does abroad in the world, and especially in the global south and especially where I come from in the Arab world, is consistently support dictators, unelected tyrants. The examples are everywhere around us.

Garcia-Navarro: There are those, of course, who still defend the U.S. invasion of Iraq, among them the former president who presided over it, George W. Bush. What in your view, though, did the invasion achieve? What is Iraq like now?

Antoon: Iraq now has one of the most corrupt regimes in the world. And these days, Iraqis are suffering because even after all of these years, the electricity is still a sham. The U.S. invasion dismantled the Iraqi state and all of its functioning institutions and replaced it with a chaotic system. More importantly, and this is where Donald Rumsfeld is directly responsible, is that according to international law, an occupying force is supposed to maintain security in the country that it occupies. The United States went into Iraq, did not secure the borders of Iraq. I went back in July of 2003 and at the main border entry from Jordan to Iraq, there were three U.S. soldiers manning the border. And I remember telling my colleague, if this is the major entry point from Jordan and there are only three soldiers guarding the border, then imagine what's happening elsewhere. So the achievement was to topple the dictator, yes, but then to open Iraq's borders up for all kinds of chaos, for terrorism. And sadly, George Bush said, quote-unquote, "we'll fight them over there so that we don't have to fight them here." Over there means Iraq.

Garcia-Navarro: When you look at the coverage of Rumsfeld's death, have you seen the voices of Iraqis and their opinions in that coverage?

Antoon: No, not at all. But I'm not surprised, to be honest with you, because I think we live in a country that has yet to come to terms with its own history. I mean, we have war criminals from the Civil War who have statues and we have debates and fights over whether we should call them what they were, war criminals. So when it comes to Rumsfeld, I mean, it's the whitewashing, really, of public figures.

Garcia-Navarro: Today's July Fourth, and I think some people listening to this might think it is a conversation that perhaps is in bad taste, considering that people are celebrating American liberation and democracy today. What do you think about that?

Antoon: It's one thing to celebrate the country, but it's also incumbent upon citizens to know the full story and history of how one's country comes about. And I think it's high time that we come to terms with the fact that we live in a settler colonial country that has a very bloody history, but also that, whether we like it or not, what the United States does abroad with its hundreds of military bases and the amount of destruction that was visited on Iraqis, innocent Iraqis who did nothing to any U.S. citizen, we as U.S. citizens are responsible for that. So on the Fourth of July, let's think about those for whom this story and the narrative of this country has not been all rosy and dandy but has meant suffering and destruction.

Garcia-Navarro: That's Sinan Antoon. His novel is called "The Book Of Collateral Damage." Thank you very much.

Antoon: Thank you.

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412