Dwight F. Reynolds, Medieval Arab Music and Musicians: Three Translated Texts (New Texts Out Now)

Dwight F. Reynolds, Medieval Arab Music and Musicians: Three Translated Texts (New Texts Out Now)

Dwight F. Reynolds, Medieval Arab Music and Musicians: Three Translated Texts (New Texts Out Now)

By : Dwight F. Reynolds

Dwight F. Reynolds, Medieval Arab Music and Musicians: Three Translated Texts (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2022).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book? 

Dwight F. Reynolds (DF): As I was researching my previous book, published last year (The Musical Heritage of al-AndalusRoutledge/Taylor & Francis, 2021), I realized that many of the most important texts on medieval Arab musicians had never been translated, or, in some cases, only selected passages had been translated, giving a distorted impression of the work as a whole. In other cases, texts had been translated by scholars who were not specialists in medieval music, which has resulted in translations where some of the most important musical information is garbled or incomprehensible. Eventually I conceived of a volume that would consist solely of fully and carefully translated and annotated texts on medieval Arab music and musicians, to bring some samples of this very rich literature to a broader readership.

Together I hope that these texts will offer readers a taste of the amazingly rich medieval Arabic literature on music and musicians.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

DR: These texts provide remarkably detailed accounts of the lives of musicians in the courts of Baghdad and Cordoba, including accounts of their successes and failures, the buying and selling of female slave singers, rivalries and competitions, love affairs and romantic encounters, the enormous rewards a singer could earn if their patron was pleased, and the abuse (including imprisonment and beatings) they were subject to if their patron was angry (see the excerpt below). These accounts of the daily lives of musicians of the court include fascinating descriptions of clothing, the functioning of their households, nights spent drinking in taverns, travels as boon companions to the caliph or emir, how they composed and practiced their songs, sly tricks they played on their rivals, and many other aspects of their lives. 

An excellent example of this is a text that has never been translated as a whole and appears as the first selection in this collection, the biography of the eighth- and ninth-century musician Ibrāhīm al-Mawṣilī from Abū Faraj al-Iṣbahāni’s enormous Kitāb al-Aghānī. Fragments from this text have appeared in quite a few scholarly publications because it is a fascinating account of the ‘Abbasid court in Baghdad, but no one had translated the full text (perhaps because it is over one hundred pages in length). Indeed, I soon realized that not only had this musician’s biography never been translated, in fact none of the biographies of musicians in Kitāb al-Aghānī have appeared in full translations. Scholars in the nineteenth century avidly translated the biographies of the major poets and some of the material on tribal histories, but the musicians and singers have attracted much less attention. So I am very pleased to present the full text for the first time, which allows readers to see the compiler at work. His methodology is fascinating and includes a “chain of transmission” (Ar. isnad) for every piece of information, but reading the full text also allows us to see how he juxtaposed different versions of the same event, leaving it to the reader to decide which account is most believable.

The second selection in this volume is the biography of the now nearly mythic singer Ziryāb who is said to have traveled from Baghdad to Cordoba in the ninth century and greatly influenced the music of al-Andalus. For many people, Ziryāb is the single most famous figure in all of medieval Arab music. The text is found in the eleventh-century historical compilation Kitāb al-Muqtabis by Ibn Ḥayyān, in a section of the work that has only recently came to light. A Spanish translation has been published (though it is rather difficult to obtain); however, some of the key passages on music were not well understood. So this translation offers both the full biography of this incredible individual to an English-speaking readership and also provides a more accurate reading of the most important musical information in the text.

The third and final selection is the earliest and most important medieval Arabic treatise on the muwushshaḥ song form, Dār al-Ṭirāz, a genre of music that is still sung across the Arab world, as well as in Sephardi and Mizrachi Jewish communities today. It is amazing to read this medieval text’s description of the birth of a song genre that has continued to be sung by modern superstars such as Umm Kulthum, Fairouz, Sabah Fakhry, and many, many others. Here again, a Spanish translation was published several decades ago, but oddly by a scholar who was vehemently prejudiced against music! Over and over again, the Spanish translator states in footnotes that the author Ibn Sanā’ al-Mulk was incapable of understanding the material he wrote about and that his claims about music were exaggerated. And yet, at several key points, the translator also admitted that he found some of the key musical passages incomprehensible. This new translation therefore not only represents a first translation into a language other than Spanish, but also provides a corrective to the deeply flawed Spanish translation, the only version that has been available until now.

Together I hope that these texts will offer readers a taste of the amazingly rich medieval Arabic literature on music and musicians. These are some of the earliest (perhaps even the earliest) substantive biographies of musicians in world literature, and deserve much greater attention. 

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work? 

DR: This volume is to a great degree a supplement to The Musical Heritage of al-Andalus. In that volume, I tried to provide an overview of musical life in al-Andalus, drawing upon texts in Arabic, Old Catalan, Castilian, Gallego-Portuguese, Hebrew, Judeo-Arabic, and Latin. This includes many fascinating encounters between Christian, Jewish, and Muslim musicians and patrons and, I hope, provides a convincing account of the remarkably complex networks and conduits of cultural exchange that were active at that time. It also tries to situate the music of al-Andalus within the broader context of musical cultures of the medieval Mediterranean.

Although that volume includes many passages translated from primary texts (some appearing for the very first time in translation), it does not include translations of complete texts. This new volume, on the other hand, presents texts that have been translated in their entirety and gives readers a sense of how each of the authors organized and presented their materials.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

DR: Although this volume will certainly be read by scholars and readers who are interested in medieval music, I have chosen texts that should be enjoyable and informative for anyone interested in medieval life in the Middle East and Iberia. So I am hoping that this book will reach a broader audience and that readers will find this a “good read”—which is not something we usually say about translations of primary texts from the Middle Ages. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

DR: Each of these recent two volumes has generated a sequel. The Musical Heritage of al-Andalus deals with music in Iberia up to the expulsion of the Moriscos in 1609-14. The second volume will deal with Andalusian music outside of al-Andalus and will bring us up to the present. The second volume of Medieval Arab Music and Musicians will be composed primarily of biographies of female musicians and singers. A number of these early figures, such as ‘Azza al-Maylā’, Jamīla, Salāmat al-Qass, ‘Arīb, and others, are truly remarkable musicians with strong, unforgettable personalities. I think that even readers who are not particularly interested in music will want to read these compelling life-stories of women who left an indelible imprint on medieval Arab culture.

 

Excerpt from the book (from the “Life of Ibrāhīm al-Mawṣilī,” pp. 19-21)

§ Isḥāq said – My father [Ibrāhīm] told me:

The caliph al-Mahdī did not drink and he wanted me, whenever I was accompanying him, to abstain from drinking as well, but I refused. I used to absent myself for a few days at a time, and when I returned I was often tipsy. My behavior angered him, so he had me beaten and imprisoned, and it was there in prison that I learned to read and write. Then one day he summoned me and reproached me for drinking in other people’s houses and my licentious behavior with them. “Sire,” I said, “I learned the craft of music for my own enjoyment and out of love of the companionship of my friends. If I were able to abandon it along with all the other things I do, I would do so, for the sake of God most Glorious and Mighty!” He became very angry and said, “Don’t ever go near [my sons] Mūsā and Hārūn, for by God, if you do, I’ll have you seized and dealt with severely!” “Understood,” I replied. Later he found out that I had indeed spent time with them and got drunk with them, for the two of them were acting recklessly under the influence of the wine. He ordered that I be given 300 strokes of the lash and had me fettered and thrown in prison. 

§ However, Aḥmad ibn Ismā‘īl said in his account – my uncle Isḥāq said: 

My father, Ibrāhīm, told me that he was with Mūsā and Hārūn on an excursion along with a servant named Abān: This servant informed on us to al-Mahdī and told him what we’d been up to. The caliph summoned me and asked me about this, but I denied it. Then he ordered that I be punished– I was stripped and given 360 strokes of the lash, and I cried out to al-Mahdī while Sallām was beating me, “But my crime is not a capital offense – you can’t beat me to death for this! – out of loyalty to your sons I kept their secret – otherwise I’d be as despicable as that tell-tale slave of yours, Aban!” When I said that, he struck me with his sword in its scabbard and fractured my skull. I fell to the ground unconscious for a while. When I opened my eyes and saw the eyes of al-Mahdī, I could tell they were the eyes of someone who regrets what he has done. He said to ‘Abd Allāh ibn Mālik: “Take him to your house.”

Ibrāhīm continued:

But before he did so, ‘Abd Allāh ibn Mālik took the whip from the hand of Sallām al-Abrash and beat me. That beating at that hands of ‘Abd Allāh was a blessing compared to the beating that Sallām had given me. Then ‘Abd Allāh ibn Mālik took me to his house while I was still dizzy and seeing stars from the searing pain of the whip. He ordered that I be taken to something like a tomb and placed in it. Then ‘Abd Allāh called for a ram and it was slaughtered and skinned, and I was wrapped in the skin so that the pain of the beating would abate. He turned me over to a servant of his named Abū ‘Uthmān Sa‘īd al-Turkī who placed me in that tomb, and charged a servant-girl of his named Jashsha with taking care of me. I was in sheer agony due to the water seeping into that tomb and the vermin, but there were also a privy there where I found some relief. I told Jashsha: “Go ask for a baked brick with coal and frankincense on it to rid me of these bugs,” and she brought it to me. When I fumigated the tomb, everything grew dark from the smoke, and my soul almost departed due to my distress. But I was able to find some relief from my suffering where the water was trickling in – I held my nose close to it until the smoke lessened, and then, just when I thought that I was to be saved from the terrible situation I was in, two snakes slid out from a crack in the tomb and circled round me hissing fiercely! I was just about to grab one in my right hand and the other in my left – it was a do or die moment! – when I was inexplicably delivered from them, and they slithered back into the hole from which they had emerged.

I remained in that tomb quite a while until finally I was released. I sent a message to Abū ‘Uthmān the servant and I asked him to sell me Jashsha so that I might compensate her for everything she had done for me, and he did. I later married her to my chamberlain, and she remains a member of our household.

Isḥāq added:

She stayed with us until she died, and I married a daughter of hers, called Jum‘a, to a servant of mine in the year 234 [848/49].

Ibrāhīm continued:

I composed these verses when I was in prison:

The night grows long as I stare at the stars,

                        and rub the heavy fetters on my legs.

In the dwelling of disgrace, the worst of abodes,

                        I’m unjustly humiliated, but forbear with grace.

Friends abounded when I lived in luxury,

                        but now that I’m in prison, I find they are few.

My affliction has grown long, my friends have grown weary,

                        My intimate companions are no longer true.

Ibrāhīm continued:

Then al-Mahdī had me released and made me swear to divorce my wife and emancipate my slaves, and by every ironclad oath imaginable – without a single loophole – that I would never again visit his sons Mūsā and Hārūn and never again sing for them, whereupon he freed me. 

Ibrāhīm added:

While I was in prison, I composed a melody to some verses by the poet Abū l-‘Atāhiya that he had composed when al-Mahdī had imprisoned him because of ‘Utba:

Woe is my heart now that anxieties are my companions,

                        woe are my legs from the ulcerous sores caused by these chains.

Woe is my soul, woe, and then again woe!

                        will I never be freed from these bonds of rope?

Woe are my eyes, my weeping has blinded them,

                        balm from the kohl jars offers no cure.

Leave me alone to console myself, for my eyes

                        are captives of cataracts, in a tomb in the earth.

Leave me alone to console myself with drink, for I see

                        that the rest of my life will not long endure. 

The poetry is by Abū l-‘Atāhiya, though Ḥammād said that it was by his grandfather, Ibrāhīm; the music is by Ibrāhīm in the ‘ramal’ rhythm, with the middle finger for the first three verses, and in the ‘first heavy’ rhythm with the middle finger for the final two.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.