Georgetown University Law Center Alumni Letter in Support of Mohammed El-Kurd

Georgetown University Law Center Alumni Letter in Support of Mohammed El-Kurd

Georgetown University Law Center Alumni Letter in Support of Mohammed El-Kurd

By : Palestine Page Editors

[Georgetown University Law Center Alumni issued the following letter on 29 April 2022 in support of Mohammed El-Kurd after members of the Georgetown community accused him of antisemitism, misquoting a sentence from his poem Rifqa referencing Israeli necropolitics and the infamous Israeli National Forensic Institute organ theft scandal.]

To the Georgetown University Law Center Community:

Following a public lecture featuring Palestinian poet and activist, Mohammed El-Kurd in conversation with Palestinian legal scholar, Rabea Eghbariah, on 26 April 2022, members of the Jewish community at Georgetown University Law School, including faculty, accused El-Kurd of antisemitism and decried the University administration’s refusal to cancel the lecture in advance and condemn him. The characterization of El-Kurd as an antisemite, however, is based not on his remarks at Georgetown or any of the dozens of other public lectures, interviews, or articles written by El-Kurd but on no more than one line in a poem that contains a metaphor about the Israeli state. We detail our concerns below.

  1. The entire accusation of antisemitism revolves around the allegation that El-Kurd has claimed that “Jews harvest and eat the organs of Palestinians.” While the faculty hyperlink and quote several other references, they oddly fail to substantiate this accusation. Had they tried, they would have revealed that El-Kurd has not a single speech, article, or media interview where he says this. In fact, the only reference to this trope is in a poem from his collection of poetry, Rifqa, where one-line reads “Seven decades later / they harvest organs of the martyred/feed their warriors our own.” Significantly, El-Kurd refers specifically to the Israeli state and its officers, rather than Jewish people as suggested by the faculty letter. More, the literal interpretation of what is clearly figurative speech appears to be done in bad faith. The leap from the stanza to the accusation is dismally disappointing on the part of people specializing in textual scrutiny that seems unavailable in this instance.

  2. Rather than consider that El-Kurd may be unaware of antisemitic tropes, they leap upon him with seeming opportunism to condemn him to a condition of irredeemable antisemitism and hate. El-Kurd is already on record in dozens of speeches, lectures, articles, and media interviews where he has never made these claims or suggested them or anything even approximating anti-Jewish bigtory. Moreover, this is a poem meant to be expressive of a young man’s experience at the hands of a military and racist regime. In fact, the poem—titled Rifqa after El-Kurd’s grandmother—describes the ongoing Nakba and continuous violence and dispossession suffered by the El-Kurd family since 1948. Assuming that concerned community members have no tolerance for even this expression, it is of deep concern that they also lack compassion for El-Kurd who is himself at the direct risk of dispossession. How does a human being become reduced to one line in a poem?

  3. Our own experience illuminates that anti-Palestinian racism, and Islamophobia more generally, is constitutive of the construction of Palestinians, Arabs, and Muslims as inherently antisemitic. The accusation itself is leveled systematically and without scrutiny to the detriment of Palestinian livelihoods, careers, and reputations. Should it be taken seriously, El-Kurd, who is only twenty-three years old, may be denied an entire lifetime to come, a future, and potential as an author, a poet, and an advocate. All based on an uncompelling accusation that has found fertile ground among those trained to assume that Palestinians are born hateful and not born with a fever for freedom from their conditions under Israeli state violence.

  4. Finally, this attack on El-Kurd reeks of a disturbing tendency. It undermines and subjugates his message—about state-sponsored dispossession of Palestinian residents in East Jerusalem—to concerns about antisemitic slurs and dog whistles. The condemnation of El-Kurd is first, foremost, primary, and elevated above concerns about Israel’s structural violence, which has been recognized as an apartheid regime by B’tselem, Yesh Din, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the Harvard International Human Rights Clinic, the UN Special Rapporteur on Palestine, and the UN Committee for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, among so many other organizations and scholars. The cause of Palestinian liberation is buried under bad faith interpretations of El-Kurd’s poetry. A single metaphorical line, subject to interpretation, becomes prioritized over the vile condition of Palestinian unfreedom.


We end with a quote from El-Kurd, who should be given the chance to speak for himself.

It is baffling to me that a community devoted to the study of law would see no problem in falsely quoting me, without examining the original quote and its context, or disclosing the fact that it is from a poem in a poetry book filled with metaphors. In this instance, I was not even aware this metaphor could be interpreted as a trope. The assumption that I would even believe such a nonsensical and unscientific thing is beyond offensive to me and rooted in anti-Palestinian racism. What could have been a learning opportunity was instead turned into a bad-faith attack of defamation to discredit my advocacy.

We ask that members of the University take this opportunity to reflect on their biases and engage in honest discussions of antisemitism, Islamophobia, anti-Palestinian racism, and other forms of racism that have come to shape our society. A refusal to do so renders them complicit in the continuation of Israeli apartheid. What would it take for us to achieve collective liberation? This is a question for Georgetown Law and for us all.

Signed,
Georgetown University Law Center Alumni 

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412