Isabel Käser, The Kurdish Women’s Freedom Movement: Gender, Body Politics and Militant Femininities (New Texts Out Now)

Isabel Käser, The Kurdish Women’s Freedom Movement: Gender, Body Politics and Militant Femininities (New Texts Out Now)

Isabel Käser, The Kurdish Women’s Freedom Movement: Gender, Body Politics and Militant Femininities (New Texts Out Now)

By : Isabel Käser

Isabel Käser, The Kurdish Women’s Freedom Movement: Gender, Body Politics and Militant Femininities (Cambridge University Press, 2021). 

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Isabel Käser (IK): I started the research for this book in 2014, around the time when the Rojava Revolution started gaining momentum and when the attacks of ISIS on Şengal and Kobanî put the focus onto what the Kurdish Freedom Movement was doing in Syria’s northeast. Women were clearly at the forefront of this revolution in the making—and took center stage in the reports that we read about it. However, I was really puzzled by the information available; on the one hand, you had the (Western) media coverage, reproducing old Orientalist stereotypes of the one forward-looking militia, heroically fighting for what is good in an otherwise barbaric Middle East, depoliticizing, essentializing, and often sexualizing the women at the frontlines. On the other hand, you had the Kurdish Freedom Movement discourse, telling an important but very ideology-laden story, that of the “free woman” and how the liberation of women was linked to the liberation of Kurdish territories. I was dissatisfied with both, wanting to go beyond these simplified depictions and understand how women got to play such central roles in this movement, and how they themselves understand, embody, and fight for freedom.

My research also makes an intervention in the conversations about nationalism and feminism and how the two “isms” enable or hinder each other.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

IK: The book is a transnational feminist ethnography, centering the lives of militant women active in the political, activist, and military spheres of the Kurdish Freedom Movement. I was interested in how women historically shaped the movement, how they pushed for gender-based equality and justice within its ranks, and how that process of learning to become “free” operates. So in the different chapters, I look at the history of the movement, the role women play in the political sphere in Turkey, and how women become fighters in the mountain camps. Here I analyze the education and training of guerrillas and that process of “becoming,” obtaining and embodying what I call “militant femininity.” I also ask how death and mourning are ritualized in Maxmur camp (movement-run refugee camp in Northern Iraq), and how norms around gender and sexuality are rewritten by this movement. In this last chapter I unpack the “sex ban” or the “abstinence contract” as I call it, looking at how the movement’s liberation ideology operates on an intimate level, or put differently, how the party’s body politics is linked to their specific idea of what liberation looks like.

I situate my work within feminist international relations and critical military studies, disciplines that ask precise questions of how wars are gendered, to what extent conflict and war open spaces for women but also look critically as the true cost of war, at how militarized societies depend on reconfigured but still essentialized femininities and masculinities. The book also speaks to ongoing conversations in transnational and post-colonial feminist scholarship on gender and war, which cautions us that gender inequality is often further entrenched in militarized societies—and that women who are part of armed movements are often pushed back into the private sphere and their wartime gains are frequently sidelined in times of “post”-conflict reconstruction and state-building. This movement claims to be different; the politicians and commanders I interviewed all stressed that they had studied other post-colonial liberation movements and have rectified where they had previously gone wrong—they are organized independently from men in all spheres of activism (military, political, social), and they are active against all forms of violence, from the intimate to the battlefield, and can therefore not be pushed back or overruled, neither during nor “post”-conflict. I centered my explorations around this claim and asked how it is put into practice in the everyday.

My research also makes an intervention in the conversations about nationalism and feminism and how the two “isms” enable or hinder each other. This movement is not fighting for a new nation state but for democratic confederalism, a non-state council-led form of radical democracy. Plus they do not call their movement feminist, instead the terms “women’s liberation” and “Jineolojî” are used. I found, however, that this does not necessarily mean that the “free woman,” her body, and social roles are less prone to being essentialized as the markers for purity, honor, modernity, and progress and—albeit progressive—this operates along similar lines as in many other national liberation movements. I show how wherever the party holds power, women become the markers of “freedom” and demarcate the boundaries between “us”—a gender-equal society based on radical democracy—and “them”—the barbaric other: ISIS, the Turkish and Syrian regimes, and the racist and capitalist world order.

J: How does this book connect to or depart from your previous work? 

IK: This is my first book, but it speaks to my longstanding interest in the so-called Kurdish Question, militarism, war, gender and sexuality, and women’s movements in the Middle East more broadly.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have? 

IK: Since 2014, we have seen a surge of literature on this topic, so we now know much more about the history and everyday struggle of this movement. However, I found a lot of that literature to be telling an idealized story of the female fighters and the Rojava project and believe that my book will be relevant to those who want to go beyond this liberated/oppressed dichotomy and get a more nuanced sense of the complex power structures these women operate in.

The book also contains a lot of comparative historical material, looking at previous post-colonial revolutionary movements that grappled with the “woman’s question.” So, beyond activists and scholars interested in the Kurdish women’s movement, a larger audience working on gender, war, and militarism will hopefully find my book of use. My concept of “militant femininities” might also be helpful for people working on other movements and contexts where women commit radical acts of resistance, particularly when unpacking the norms, rules, and regulations attached to women’s bodies in moments of armed or political rupture.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

IK: I am currently working on a collaborative project in Iraqi Kurdistan, where my team and I are looking at feminist, art, and youth. We are interested in how a young generation of artists and activists is trying to forge out spaces that go beyond party politics and regional rivalries, and ask how through their work might be creating more transparent and inclusive spaces. We are about half way done with our research and it is both incredibly frustrating to see the stagnation and tangible hopelessness that young activists are up against, and also fantastic to find pockets of activism, where individuals and collectives are finding creative ways to push back against (religious) conservatism, corruption, and rapid neoliberal development.

J: You did your research for the book in different parts of Kurdistan at a time of heightened conflict, from the urban wars in eastern Turkey to the fight against ISIS in Syria and Iraq. What were some of the main challenges you faced and how did those shape your work? 

IK: There were so many! I arrived in the so-called “field,” Diyarbakir, in September 2015, just as the urban wars started. That meant that parts of the city, the historical center Sur, was being shelled by the Turkish army, as I was trying to organize interviews. It also meant that the women I was hoping to work with were under targeted and sustained attack by the government, and of course had many better things to do than talk to me. Despite this, they were extremely generous in welcoming me at their centers and into their structures. 

As the war intensified, my access and room for movement became increasingly limited and I started to feel more and more inadequate and out of place, as well as incredibly powerless. These feelings accompanied me throughout fieldwork and beyond, as I later went to Rojava, Iraqi Kurdistan, and Maxmur, which were even closer to the border with ISIS. The injustices, the overbearingness of violence, and the living-in-violence were things I only very slowly learned to cope with. Aside from that, certain borders became more difficult or impossible to cross; for example, I was eventually deported from Turkey and labelled a “threat to national security” and am, like so many of us, permanently banned from the country. 

Another huge challenge for me was the density and intensity of the movement’s cosmology, meaning, among other things, the ideology, and the repetition thereof. In the book, I write about how difficult I found it to go beyond the slogans of resistance and liberation that were so often narrated back to me, wherever I went in the different parts of Kurdistan. I was both amazed and frustrated by the uniformity of what I was told. After a while I stopped doing interviews and just did participant observation and found that to be much more telling of the lived realities of my respondents. Eventually I understood these slogans as part of the revolutionary labor that women do, and have to do, when speaking to a researcher like me. But of course, it is much more than that; these slogans are the results of decades of struggle and continue to help women to hold men accountable and push for more gender equal and just structures, laws, and policies.

 

Excerpt from the book (from the Introduction, pp. 1-6)

‘When I struggle for my freedom with women, I feel free and I feel equal. Maybe if we weren’t organised, I wouldn’t feel like that. But freedom is so far away, that I know, we need hundreds of years’ (Ayşe Gökkan, 14 November 2015). We were sitting in the office of KJA, the Congress of Free Women (Kongreya Jinên Azad) in Diyarbakir, the largest Kurdish city in Turkey, when Ayşe told me what equality and freedom meant to her. Our interview was often interrupted by the war planes roaring overhead and rattling the windows, Ayşe’s phone ringing and people walking into her office for a quick consultation. Ayşe seemed unfazed by all the commotion, the recent collapse of the peace process between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK, Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê), and the ensuing outbreak of the urban wars in Turkey’s southeast in the summer of 2015. She had been active in the Kurdish Women’s Freedom Movement for thirty years – as a journalist, politician and member of KJA – and had seen it all: the early years of the PKK, the prison resistance in the 1980s, the emergence of the Kurdish political parties in the 1990s, the establishment of women’s structures and the implementation of the women’s quota in the 2000s, and the hope that came with the Rojava Revolution in 2012. From 2009 to 2014 she served as the mayor of Nusaybin, a Kurdish city bordering Syria. When we met, she was responsible for the diplomacy of KJA, which meant building peace initiatives with Turkish feminists, creating international networks, welcoming foreign delegations, and speaking to researchers like me.

KJA served as an umbrella structure to unify and streamline ‘women’s work’ in Turkish Kurdistan/Bakur and implement the ideas around women’s liberation according to the writings of the Kurdish Freedom Movement’s imprisoned de facto leader Abdullah Öcalan. During our interview Ayşe told me her personal story but also highlighted some of the cornerstones of the women’s liberation ideology: the importance of devoting yourself to a unified struggle led by and for women, against a ‘capitalist system’ and a ‘patriarchal society’. She also explained the difference between ‘being free’ and a ‘free life’; being free is achieved by participation in an everyday struggle, a process of liberation that is geared towards a vision of freedom situated in a future utopia. In order to achieve that ‘free life’ women have to liberate themselves from the shackles of a racist, misogynist and capitalist society, a process in which they will not only free themselves but the fragmented and oppressed Kurdish nation as whole.

This centrality of women in the struggle of the Kurdish Freedom Movement is represented by ‘Women, Life, Freedom!’ (Jin, Jiyan, Azadî!), one of the main slogans of the women’s movement that was not only present on banners and posters in the KJA office but was chanted at demonstrations, after speeches and reiterated during my interviews across the fieldwork sites in different parts of Kurdistan. This slogan is also a central aspect in Democratic Confederalism, the political paradigm penned by Abdullah Öcalan, which links the liberation of women to national liberation and foresees a non-state nation based on gender equality, radical democracy, ecology and self-defence (Öcalan 2011). Running with this ideology, women in the political branch of the movement were able to push through a 40 per cent women’s quota and the co-presidency system in the mid-2000s and have since been elected in great numbers into local and national political party structures in Turkey. Even more prominently, women who have been fighting in the armed branches of the movement have gained significant visibility since the PKK’s sister party, the Democratic Union Party (PYD, Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat) and its armed wings, the People’s ProtectionUnits (YPG, Yekîneyên Parastina Gel) and the Women’s Protection Unit (YPJ, Yekîneyên Parastina Jin) took control of Rojava, the Kurdish northeast of Syria in 2012. The role armed women played in the defence of Kobanî (Rojava) and Şengal (Iraq) against the onslaught of the so-called Islamic State (colloquially known as daesh) in 2014 led to much media and scholarly attention on the female fighters. Often depicting smiling and attractive young women with Kalashnikovs, the female fighters of the YPJ became the antithesis to the barbaric other: daesh, the many jihadi groups fighting in Syria, the Syrian regime and the Turkish army. This representation of the female fighters has been criticised as essentialist and orientalist, as it objectifies and sexualises the women, brushing over what they stand and fight for (Dirik 2014; Shahvisi 2018). The party’s own propaganda and the activist literature published in the wake of the ‘Rojava Revolution’, while providing important insights into the Rojava project, mostly idealise and glorify the struggle and its revolutionaries, without much space given to critical voices or reflections on the true cost of war for those who fight it (Demir 2017; Flach et al. 2016; Lower Class Magazine and Unrast e. V 2017; Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness 2015; Tax 2016). 

Rather than assessing the representation of the female revolutionary, I want to introduce the female revolutionary through women’s embodied experience of becoming and being a militant of the Kurdish Freedom Movement, as politicians, activists and fighters. I discuss the specific ways in which this particular transnational women’s movement has fought for, created and used emerging spaces since 1978, when the PKK was founded. In order to think beyond the sensationalist and sexualised representation of women at the political and military front lines, I examine how women filled the political, activist and militarised spaces with particular organisational practices and ideological claim making: how they operate on a continuum of violence and resistance in the everyday, and what kind of hegemonic femininity has been formed and is being practised in the different spaces between the mountains and the cities I had access to during my fieldwork: the legal Kurdish parties in the cities (Bakur), the women’s guerrilla training camps (Başûr) and the martyr mothers in Maxmûr Camp (Başûr). 

[…] 

One of the movement’s own ideological claims is that of sustainability and difference, emphasising that their movement is aware of the shortcomings of previous national liberation wars, in which women actively participated but were pushed back into the domestic sphere following the conflict, when peace- and policy-making were left up to men. When making this argument, my interviewees often referred to the Russian Revolution or the Algerian War of Independence to illustrate how women were unable to hold on to their wartime gains post-conflict because their institutions were not organised independently from men. Members of the women’s movement argue that because their struggle is deeply rooted in a forty-year history and ideology of resistance in the armed, political and personal spheres, and because women’s liberation and the building of autonomous women-led structures are at the core of the movement’s political identity and strategic efforts, their women’s movement will endure. Moreover, the implementation of these new structures requires women’s self-defence and will allow them to work and live as active members in their community and participate in political decisionmaking processes and conflict resolution during and after armed conflict, so the women of the movement argue. Öcalan links this claim of difference to the Neolithic matriarchal society (approx. 10,200–8,800 BC), a time when women of Upper Mesopotamia were strong and independent. He evokes the symbol of Îştar the goddess, an important Mesopotamian deity of female love, beauty, fertility, war and political power, saying that today’s female freedom fighters all need to become like Îştar – fearless, dedicated and independent of men (Çağlayan 2012; Duzel 2018). 

The claim of sustainability and need for self-defence, as well as the relationship between official party discourse and practice raise further questions about how historical references are used, how the party’s female identity of the ‘free woman’ is constructed, how that identity is translated into everyday practise, and how this challenges or reinforces existing hierarchies of power. This ideology and practice of women’s liberation is two-sided as the journey towards liberation goes hand in hand with the renunciation of particular freedoms. For instance, women and men who join the armed branch of the party pledge to abstain from romantic or sexual relations. The trainee guerrillas learn to become desexualised freedom fighters, an endeavour that requires a strict ideological education but also much coercive power and discipline under the watchful eye of the party.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.