Sune Haugbolle and Mark LeVine, eds., Altered States: The Remaking of the Political in the Arab World (New Texts Out Now)

Sune Haugbolle and Mark LeVine, eds., Altered States: The Remaking of the Political in the Arab World (New Texts Out Now)

Sune Haugbolle and Mark LeVine, eds., Altered States: The Remaking of the Political in the Arab World (New Texts Out Now)

By : Sune Haugbolle and Mark LeVine

Sune Haugbolle and Mark LeVine (eds.), Altered States: The Remaking of the Political in the Arab World (London, UK: Routledge, 2022).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Sune Haugbolle and Mark LeVine (SH & ML): We have been exploring the transformations of political subjectivities and state practices in the Arab and broader Muslim world since the eruption of the 2009 Green Wave in Iran. After organizing one of the first major post-2011 conferences, at Lund University’s Center for Middle East Studies in 2012 (co-sponsored by Jadaliyya), and several smaller gatherings over the next half decade, it became clear to us that Timothy Mitchell's groundbreaking reworking of the idea and practices of the state in the early 1990s, especially his “The Limits of the State: Beyond Statist Approaches and Their Critics,” offered a powerful narrative for exploring the changes in Arab states and the identities they shape and that emerge in contexts of resistance.

The contributors to this volume have all been long-term participants, and so we had many years to develop our understanding of how a more Foucauldian approach to the state, which sees it as an effect of various forms, networks, and practices of power and knowledge more than a set of concrete institutions, could produce innovative and empirically original research.

First and foremost, we intended to explore how practices of stateness have been transformed in the last dozen years...

J:  What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

SH & ML: First and foremost, we intended to explore how practices of stateness have been transformed in the last dozen years; that is, how the protests, uprisings and attempted revolutions have led to the production and deployment of new kinds of practices and new ideological narratives of all kinds—political, economic, social, spatial, and so on. We felt that Mitchell's “Limits of the State” marked a good starting point for the kinds of nuanced and deeply grained analysis we hope to encourage, ones that would be transdisciplinary as well as methodologically promiscuous. 

We have also been deeply informed by the emergence and rise of decolonial and more recently Indigenous theories and methodologies, and felt like this project and the collection of people we have been so fortunate to bring together offered a good space to see how these approaches can open new ways of seeing, researching, and writing about the changes we are all witnessing and living through.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

ML: This book marks the culmination of a journey began in graduate school when I first studied with Tim Mitchell and was fortunate enough to learn about the ideas behind that article, as well as the thinking that was behind the development of his ideas from Colonizing Egypt to Rule of Experts, especially as regards to the invention of the economy. These innovations in the way scholars could look at both the state and the economy, two terms which are too often taken at face value even today, motivated me to want to bring colleagues together to work through their implications in the wake of the so-called Arab Spring.

SH: In the past decade, I have been researching the history of leftist movements and ideas in the region. The workshops that led to Altered States allowed me to go back and forth between the 1970s and the 2010s, comparing and contrasting modes of governance and resistance. Like Mark, Colonizing Egypt was a key book in my ‘upbringing’ in Middle East studies, and the Foucauldian lens is probably deeply ingrained in how our generation of Middle East scholars view politics. We therefore found it natural to write a book that develops Mitchell’s theorization of how power works in the region: as underlying patterns, unseen and often transnational networks, and discursive effects, just as much as apparent, material domination. This understanding of power and resistance has been developed by revolutionary groups and thinkers since the 1960s, which is why I find a historically informed cross-reading between different moments of resistance important.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

SH & ML: The broad array of countries and approaches featured in Altered States makes the book a useful compendium of the state of the art of social scientific and humanistic knowledge production on the region and would be useful both for teaching about the region today and as an inspiration and guide for research.

We were careful to make sure that all the chapters were equally methodologically and theoretically innovative while remaining accessible to a non-specialist and non-professional audience. We believe this book can be used both in upper level undergraduate and graduate courses, as well as offering useful new pathways of research for scholars already in the field, particularly our theoretically focused Introduction. 

As we approach a decade and a half since the eruption of the uprisings, our hope is that this book can impact scholarship in two ways. First, to serve as an example of how some of the most important work of the last several generations of scholarship and theory can be used to explore what has transpired, in new, innovative, and politically salient ways. And second, to inspire our own colleagues and even more so students to think outside the proverbial box and be as methodologically voracious and theoretically curious as possible in their work. 

We also hope the book can be seen as an act of solidarity with so many of our comrades across the region who have suffered from the authoritarian retrenchment that follows so quickly upon the initial successes of the protests. There were multiple people who could not participate in this project for political and security reasons, and we hope this volume at least helps shine a light on the reality they have shared with us.

J: Where do you see scholarship on the state in the region going?

SH & ML: The state is too important to be left to a single discipline. Luckily, Middle East studies has been influenced by the way Timothy Mitchell, Lisa Wedeen, Beatrice Hibou, and other influential figures lean towards political sociology in their understanding of the state, drawing on Foucault, Bourdieu, Althusser, Gramsci, and others. But it is still necessary to kick against the classic Weberian ideal type of a state as “a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force”. It is alive and well, even if reality in the Middle East often contradicts it. For example, in the organizational blueprints of policymakers who reproduce conceptual language of “institutional capacity,” “state building,” “failed states,” and the like. This forest of adjectives—strong, weak, failed, fragile, collapsed—all implicitly hold the Western state as the gold standard by which we measure deviations from the ideal. Scholars and policy makers often end up examining the lack of legitimacy, autonomy, and coherence and the failures of centralized states to monopolize violence and instill law and order, instead of studying the actual social processes involved in statehood. This is a general trend in studies of non-Western states, but it is particularly pronounced in literature on authoritarian Arab states. We think that the more exciting scholarship on the state in the region, such as recent books by Maya Mikdashi and Jillian Schwedler (who contributed the conclusion to Altered States), looks at the exercise of power across society, inside people, and beyond national borders. We hope that our book will help to animate that. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

ML: I have just published a new book on revolutionary music across the Arab/Muslim world in the last fifteen years, We’ll Play till We Die (discussed in a previous NEWTON). This follows up on the research and artists featured in my 2008 book Heavy Metal Islam, which is simultaneously being re-released with a new preface based on a long form interview with the group the Kominas about the problem associated with using religion as an analytic for popular music. 

I am also completing a co-authored book for UC Press with my UCI colleague Bryan Reynolds, tentatively titled Art Beyond the Edge: Creativity and Conflict in the Anthropocene, which explores how music, theater, and other art forms function as weapons of resistance and tools of solidarity in the face of intense social, political, and economic conflict. 

And I am working with Prof. Lucia Sorbera and other colleagues at Sydney University on a project and exhibition that utilizes Indigenous epistemologies and methodologies to explore forms of resistance to dislocation by communities living in “informal” or otherwise marginalized neighborhoods of major cities such as Cairo, Port Harcourt, and Sydney.

SH: I am working on a book about the globalization of the Palestinian cause in the 1960s and 1970s. It is based on research with my colleagues Pelle Olsen and Sorcha Thomson. I am excavating the history of solidarity movements in Scandinavia from the mid-1960s to the early 1980s, by interviewing former and present solidarity activists and reading into their archives, including personal letters and their intellectual and cultural production. I am also researching how Palestinian movements set up networks—secret cells, official representations, and solidarity movements—around the world to globalize support for their liberation struggle. 

I am basically curious about the meetings, interactions, and entanglements of revolutionary projects that took place during that other era of dissent, but also the cooptation, corruption, and doubt that crept in during the 1970s. That moment—from the mid-1970s to the early 1980s—when secular Thirdworldist solidarity and revolutionary belief wrestled with counter-revolutionary forces, culminating in the birth of neoliberalism and Islamic revivalism around 1979, is the topic of another book I am writing with my colleague Rasmus Elling, and which will be published next year.

 

Excerpt from the book (from the Introduction, pp. 1-23)

This book builds on the pioneering but, in our view, underutilized (if oft-cited) work of Timothy Mitchell on the nature, spatiality, and limits of state power. It takes as its starting point Mitchell’s development of Foucault’s discussions of the state—more specifically, the raison d’état of modern systems of governmentality—as a discursive “effect” of multiple regimes of truth and power that successfully establish and deploy “the knowledge of the appropriate means for founding, preserving, and expanding… a firm domination over peoples”. Mitchell zeroes in on Foucault’s idea of the state as first and foremost a state of knowledge rather than set of institutions that enables those wielding political power in modern, territorially bounded nation-states to successfully manage the populations and (more or less) “fix” the economies under their jurisdiction. Focusing on the effect of such regimes of truth and their deployment across society, Mitchell argues that the “network of institutional arrangement and political practice that forms the material substance of the state,” along with its ideologically constructed “public imagery,” together create the “state effect” as a material force that is experienced, perceived, and occasionally resisted by people as a unitary locus of political, economic and ideological power.  

But as the explosion of the Arab uprisings beginning in late 2010 made clear, sometimes the effect wears off. Sometimes the fire of desperation burns through the regimes and disposatifs through which power is wielded by political elites, laying bare and raw what often turns out to be the mundanely criminal networks through which politics is managed and wealth concentrated and (re)circulated through society. For a moment at least, people refuse to be disciplined and attempt to take state power into their own hands, to assume that mantle of what in Islamic jurisprudence is known as the “people who loose and bind” (ahl al-hall wa'l-'aqd). At that moment, the original meaning of “revolution”—as constant motion—and the huge amount of effort and energy necessary to maintain the state effect, becomes clear. We wonder: Why are societies not in a state of liminality, if not revolution, far more of the time? Why is it that stability—status or statum, the Latin root for “state”—rather than instability and even revolution, is the norm? 

When it occurs, as during the Arab uprisings, the demasking of state power and political mobilization from below seem to happen almost organically, opening a new horizon of expectation and introducing new social imaginaries that made it possible, for the first time in decades in many countries, to reimagine the political settlement and future direction of whole societies. Beginning in Iran in the summer of 2009, and continuing in the Arab world from late 2010, in fits and starts (including, for a brief moment, in Turkey in 2013) through the time of writing in 2021, the possibility of game-changing levels of mobilization altered and gave new meaning to seemingly well-entrenched political categories and cartographies. What happened during the uprisings was nothing less than a reconfiguration of the political imagination. This return of the possibility of revolution has pushed some political scientists to look at the state as a set of social relations by identifying “interrelationship between actors, institutional networks and fields and practices that are in play in the production of new subjectivities”. This reading sees state formation as a continuous process. By examining the “subtle changes in the flows and networks of power between individuals and various social and political institutions,” the state appears as an assemblage of political actors and techniques. 

Most historians recognize the assemblage of power relations involved in the formation of Arab states. However, the constructed, and therefore supposedly unstable, nature of the Arab states, leads them to draw different conclusions. Arab states emerged from colonial intervention in the (colonial) Ottoman Empire and its outlying North African provinces as well as the Sultanate of Morocco. In some countries such as Lebanon and Syria, colonial intervention empowered certain elites and created the basis military structures that in time gave rise to military regimes. In other countries military regimes derived from coups and revolutions. For many different observers in the region and beyond, including Arab nationalists, pan-Islamists, and American Middle East policy makers), the allegedly “artificial” origins of states present a conundrum (needless to say, in reality there is no such thing as an “organic” state). It forces them to ask: why have states not fractured more? For others, the artificial Arab state explains the ‘fierce’ Arab state where, in the absence of a stable social contract, centralized regimes resorted to coercion. Both versions contain an element of truth but are also problematic because they overemphasize the particularity of Arab states. Moreover, such sweeping narratives take attention away from the crucial set of relationships between those holding and (re)directing political power and the peoples they (attempt to) govern. 

It also removes or at least relegates agency of local actors—elite as well as subaltern. A more fine-tuned analysis of Arab states should pay attention to the political settlement that fundamentally underpins political power, enabling a more sophisticated discussion of the interplay of coercion and hegemony. We need to move beyond a sharp distinction between state and society that fails to reckon with the mechanisms by which various forms of power operate between individuals and institutions of governance.

(…)

In the last two decades, political sociologists and anthropologists of the state have pushed a new research agenda by describing and analyzing the clash of social forces in and around what we call the state (Migdal 2011). A reappropriation and redeployment of Weber by scholars such as Hibou focused on his discussions of political economy as a grounding for the increasingly popular analyses of power/knowledge complexes inspired by Foucault (Hibou 2004; 2015; 2017).

The reevaluation of existing conceptual models has coincided with a transformative crisis of the state in recent decades, and not least the effects of economic and cultural globalization. Meanwhile, ironically, autonomous state theory was canonized at the exact moment when real states began to weaken and lose their monopoly of control over their populations (Migdal and Schlichte 2005: 7). The dialectical relationship between challenges to the state and its increasingly muscular expression in the face of these challenges is of course very pertinent in the Middle East, as well as in other parts of the world (Amar 2013). Waning legitimacy has often coincided with new forms of biopolitical—and increasingly, “necropolitical” (Mbembe 2003; 2019)—control and securitization. 

These tangled effects of late capitalism have pushed research on the micro-politics of the “everyday state” (Stepputat and Blom Hansen 2001) and “stateness” generally in the way that we interpret and build on Mitchell’s work in this book. Rather than relying on the tried Weberian framework, the new sociology of the post-colonial state that first appeared in the early 2000s looks at contentions over sovereignty that emerge outside formal politics, in the mythologies, paradoxes, and inconsistencies that can be observed in local and quotidian practices, in border zones, and in exceptional spaces and conditions. This work addresses the frontiers between the legal and the extra-legal that often run within the offices and institutions that embody the state, thereby undoing the clear boundaries between legal and extra-legal forms of punishment and enforcement (Das and Poole 2004: 14-16). A series of landmark articles and edited volumes from the early 2000s (Das and Poole 2004; Stepputat and Blom Hansen 2001; Schlichte 2005) show how the authority of the state is constantly challenged from the local as well as the global, and how growing demands to confer rights and recognition to ever more citizens, organizations, and institutions undermine the persistent myth of the state as a source of social order and an embodiment of popular sovereignty.  

Ethnographies of the state challenge Weberian understandings of the state, but also throw up its own set of challenges. The crucial challenge is—as Migdal (2001: 124-5) puts it—to understand how social struggles alter society’s disposition of resources, class stratification, gender roles, and collective identities. Following Migdal’s reasoning, local interactions and contentions “cumulatively reshape the state and other social organizations, or most commonly, both.” Homing in on contentions allows us to appreciate the constantly alteration of state logics and state coherence, what Migdal calls “the foundations of the recursive relationship between the state and other social forces.” (ibid.) In other words, the production of sovereignty is an ongoing process that engages margins of society through various forms of public authorities asserting themselves and clashing with each other in the struggle over resources and over the correct interpretation of social order. If some political scientists have underestimated the importance of these struggles over meaning on the margins as well as at the center of power, it is because they have failed to look up close. Looking up close is, of course, the prerogative of area studies. We therefore find it an important and timely agenda to bring critical political sociology and anthropology of the state fully into conversation with Middle East studies.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.