Aaron Berman, America’s Arab Nationalists: From the Ottoman Revolution to the Rise of Hitler (New Texts Out Now)

Aaron Berman, America’s Arab Nationalists: From the Ottoman Revolution to the Rise of Hitler (New Texts Out Now)

Aaron Berman, America’s Arab Nationalists: From the Ottoman Revolution to the Rise of Hitler (New Texts Out Now)

By : Aaron Berman

Aaron Berman, America’s Arab Nationalists: From the Ottoman Revolution to the Rise of Hitler (London, UK: Routledge, 2023).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Aaron Berman (AB): At Columbia University, I trained as an American historian with a secondary field in modern Jewish history. I began teaching at Hampshire College in the late 1970s and developed a course on the history of Zionism. Realizing that teaching about Zionism without giving equal weight to the Palestinian experience was both intellectually and ethically bankrupt, I began to read voraciously about the history of Palestine. I soon became fascinated with Ottoman and Middle Eastern history. When I began looking for a new research topic that would allow me to combine my background in American history with my new passion, I realized that there was relatively little written about the United States and Arab nationalism, particularly in the period before the rise to power of Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt in 1952. At first, I thought that my book would center on the American encounter with Arab nationalism, exploring how different people responded to the political ideas and movements emerging in the Arab world. But in time, as I dug into archival sources, I found that some Americans not only responded to Middle Eastern initiatives but in fact participated in the work of building an Arab nationalist ideology and politics. In short, some Americans became Arab nationalists.

I wanted to follow the periodization of many historians of the Middle East and begin with the Ottoman revolution of 1908.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address? 

AB: I was determined not to periodize my study of Americans and Arab nationalism the way a typical historian of the United States would: in other words, not beginning with World War I and America’s entrance into the world arena. Instead, I wanted to follow the periodization of many historians of the Middle East and begin with the Ottoman revolution of 1908. I argue that between 1908 and 1933, Americans could consider the merits and defects of Arab nationalism in a context not dominated by the issue of Zionism. By the 1930s, the rise of Hitler and the plight of Jewish refugees followed by the Holocaust made it impossible for Americans to consider Arab nationalism without having to contend with the question of how it would have an impact on the Jews in Europe and Palestine.

Much of my book centers on the nationalist careers of four main characters:

Howard Bliss was president of Syrian Protestant College (now the American University of Beirut) during the Ottoman revolution of 1908 and travelled to France to urge President Woodrow Wilson to support Arab nationalism at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference. In 1908, inspired by the ideals of the 1908 revolution and confronted with students filled with revolutionary zeal, Bliss contributed to the ideological debates raging at the time about what it meant to be an Arabic speaking citizen of an Ottoman nation. 

Born to a poor family in Ottoman Syria, Abraham Rihbany became a prominent Protestant minister in Boston, Massachusetts. A critic of Ottoman rule, Rihbany embraced the cause of Arab nationalism during World War I and with the support of his congregation, joined the Arab nationalist delegation at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. Disillusioned by the betrayal of Arab nationalism at the conference, he became an astute critic of Western imperialism and ethics, although he withdrew from active political work.

Also born in Ottoman Syria, Ameen Rihani was a distinguished author and poet. While the betrayal of Arab nationalism demoralized Abraham Rihbany, Rihani threw himself into the post-war nationalist struggle. A Christian by birth and a free spirit by choice, he became an ardent supporter of Abd al-Aziz Ibn Saud, the founder of Saudi Arabia, and the champion of Wahhabism. After violent unrest broke out in Palestine in 1929, Rihani emerged as the leading pro-Arab spokesperson in the developing debate between Arab nationalism and Zionism in the United States. 

The philanthropist Charles Crane grew enamored of Arab nationalism while co-chairing a commission to investigate Arab sentiment in the wake of World War I. He helped provoke anti-French riots in Syria in 1922 and he supported a major Syrian nationalist revolt in 1925. History has not been kind to Charles Crane. The rabid anti-Semitism that overcame him during the latter years of his life destroyed his reputation and makes it easy for critics to dismiss his achievements. However, I argue that it is a mistake to read his entire career through the lens of the hatred that later consumed him.

I also highlight the activities of long forgotten American public intellectuals, Elizabeth Titzel, Elizabeth MacCallum, Quincy Wright, and William Ernest Hocking, whose critiques of the British and French Mandates in the Middle East and support of Arab nationalist movements reached a large audience.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work? 

AB: I have long been interested in the history of ideas and the social conditions that produced them. I am especially intrigued by the dialectical relationship between ideas and actions; how historical actors (elites and nonelites) understand their world and how this understanding shapes their actions, and how the precipitating events and developments, in turn, alter their understanding. 

My first book, Nazism, the Jews and American Zionism (Wayne State University Press) explored how Zionism went from being only one of a number of competing ideologies competing for the loyalty of American Jews to becoming the hegemonic movement within the community. I argue that the decision of American Zionist organizations to prioritize Jewish statehood over immediate efforts to rescue European Jewry stemmed from their incorrect understanding of their own history as a long line of tragedies caused by national homelessness.

As I began the reading that led to my latest book, I wanted to look, in a sense, at the other side of the story: how did Arab nationalism emerge as an idea on the American scene? Several able historians have detailed how nationalist politics emerged in Arab diaspora communities. I instead wanted to explore how Arab nationalism emerged within the larger American public, particularly within the vibrant and abundant print culture of the time.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

AB: When I began this book project, my goal was to produce a manuscript that would make an original contribution to scholarship while still being attractive to a large non-professional audience. I believe that I succeeded in achieving this goal. Narrative history (telling stories) is an effective way to develop sophisticated arguments while maintaining the interest of non-academic readers. 

I hope that academics and students will discover a chapter of in the history of Arab nationalism that has been underexplored. I also hope than a general audience of American readers who have little understanding of nationalism in general and usually see its Arab version as threatening, will learn that Americans played a role in the birth and development of the ideology.

J: What other projects are you working on now? 

AB: In my book I discuss how American public intellectuals responded to the League of Nations Mandates system, particularly in Syria, Palestine, and Iraq. Some immediately saw the Mandates as just another form of colonialism. Others hoped that they would serve as a peaceful means to transition from an imperial world. Susan Pedersen, of course, has brilliantly explored this topic in much more detail and on a larger scale. I am hoping to investigate how some of these early American students of the Mandates (in particular the political scientist Quincy Wright of the University of Chicago and Harvard philosopher William Ernest Hocking) responded to the collapse of the British and French Empires following World War II. I am especially interested in how they and their peers responded to the bloody partitions of India and Palestine in 1947 and 1948.

A second possible topic (probably for an article) also focuses on someone I discovered in my research. In 1923, Elizabeth Titzel Riefstahl published a prescient essay on the Zionist settlement of Palestine which took my breath away when I first read it. As far as I can tell, she never again wrote on the contemporary Middle East as she went on to become the Associate Curator at the Brooklyn Museum and an expert on Egyptian antiquities. I would love to flesh out her story and give her the recognition that she deserves.

J: What continues to puzzle you about the American Arab nationalists you studied? 

AB: Ameen Rihani and Abraham Rihbany socialized and corresponded with Philip Hitti, the pioneering Orientalist at Princeton University. At one point in their lives, they also held similar political views, so much so that one editor suggested to Rihani that he coauthor an article with Rihbany. As far as I can tell, Rihani never responded to the editor and there is little evidence that points to any kind of interaction between the two. Their national prominence meant they each knew of the other. It seems that their lack of any relationship was intentional. I would love to know more about this.

 

Excerpt from the book (from Chapter 5, The Disillusionment of Abraham Rihbany: The King-Crane Commission, pp. 90-91, 109-110)

Abraham Rihbany’s journey towards Arab nationalism illustrates the complicated often-confused process by which new identities evolve. When describing the life of Jesus to his American readers he explained that the Savior was a Syrian. Later, when he urged the United States to save the Near East he still saw himself as a Syrian, but the Arab revolt and other developments in the Middle East were already changing the dimensions of that label. For Rihbany and many of his brethren, becoming an Arab did not replace or subsume a Syrian identify, but merely enhanced it. Almost without realizing it, they began to use the two words interchangeably. When the Reverend asked his congregation for a leave of absence he cited the danger to his native Syria. Once in Paris he joined the Arab nationalists gathered around Faisal, putting aside the concern he had earlier expressed about Faisal’s father Sherif Hussein.

Rihbany hoped to convince the American delegation to support Faisal and accept a mandate for the Middle East. He communicated several times with Colonel Edward House, Wilson’s confidant. He befriended Albert H. Lybyer, an academic from Illinois who served as an advisor to the American delegation. Lybyer later in his career would be acclaimed as a leading American Orientalist. In 1919 he was a rather junior member of the American delegation, who missed his wife and doubted if his superiors appreciated his work. Rihbany shared many of the details of his life with Lybyer, who took a liking to the Protestant minister from Boston who now championed the Arab cause. After a long conversation, Lybyer confided to this diary that Rihbany was an “intelligent, eloquent man,” who warned that the British had made a mistake in supporting both the Arabs and the Zionists.

In February 1919, shortly after arriving in Paris, an almost euphoric Rihbany wrote back to his church from what he called, “the great ‘capital of the world.’” He had taken up residence at the Hotel Continental (where Faisal and his delegation also resided) and reported that, “I am as close to things as any non-official person can be, and I find hope for the success of my cause.” By late March, however, the endless talk but little action at the Peace Conference had whittled away at Rihbany’s sense of optimism who now grumbled that, “The situation here is so complex and uncertain that even statesmen confess ignorance as to the outcome.”

By May, Rihbany’s confidence had evaporated, replaced by a growing apprehension that colonization, not independence was in store for the Arab Middle East. In a confidential letter to his friend and fellow nationalist Philip Hitti, Rihbany reported that France was sabotaging efforts to dispatch a special commission to Syria. The French aimed to take possession of Syria and knew that a commission would discover that this outcome terrified most Syrians. Rihbany’s faith in Woodrow Wilson was waning and he worried about the President’s support for the Zionist project in Palestine. Colonel House and the Americans were cautious, afraid that a confrontation with France and England would undermine world stability and result in a new conflagration.

Admitting that he was “greatly disturbed,” Rihbany shared his quandary with Hitti. Some of their comrades believed that France was so desperate to enter Damascus and not be “ejected from the East,” that it would accept any mandate offered it. In return for accepting the French, Paris would agree that the mandate could “be as liberal as we want, amounting to almost independence,...” “But,” Rihbany asked, “would she carry out the terms of such a mandate? This is the serious question [underlined in original]. Many of our friends here think that if America cannot be had, France with a liberal mandate would be better for us than war with France. I dread either proposition but what can we do?” While he had not “given up hope of America taking up our cause,” he warned Hitti that, “we must be prepared for the unpleasant alternative.”

Trying to reconcile himself to the “unpleasant alternative” of French rule, Rihbany had a special and secret task for his friend Hitti. He asked the young academic, just starting out on a career path that would take him to Princeton University, to imagine what a liberal French mandate might look like. 

[…] 

The destruction of the Pan-Arab state of Syria at the hand of the French was only a temporary personal setback for Faisal. Within a year the British would install him as the king in their new Mandate of Iraq. Many of his followers, facing arrest fled French seeking refuge elsewhere. They encountered a new Middle East, soon to be divided into League of Nation Mandates with borders that were remarkably similar to those outlined by the British and French in early wartime secret agreements. The French divided their spoils, ruling over the Mandates of Syria and Lebanon. Unifying three different provinces (vilayets) of the Ottoman Empire, the League and the British established the Mandate of Iraq. Palestine also found itself under British control. 

Many of Faisal’s supporters went on the play leading roles in the nationalist movements of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Palestine. Some never gave up hope and looked forward to being able to unify these new entities into one Pan-Arab state. Few would forget the failure of the United States to live up to Woodrow Wilson’s ideals. Wilson’s failure and America’s betrayal of Arab nationalism affected no one more than Abraham Rihbany.

The reverend who had worked so hard to become an American had arrived in Paris ready to give his all for the Arab cause. Confusion followed by a fear of impending disaster had steadily eroded his optimism and faith in Wilson and the Peace Conference. Confronting a high-ranking French official in Paris, Rihbany asked, “’Why … does the French government deem it its duty to occupy Syria, while fully ninety per cent of its people do not want you there?’” When the Frenchman responded that left on their own the Arabs “’would cut one another’s throats,” the normally restrained Rihbany sputtered, "’What have you been doing for the last four years in Europe but cutting throats on the most colossal scale the world has known?’”

Rihbany left Paris and returned to his Boston church. In late April 1921, his loving congregation celebrated his tenth anniversary as their pastor. His parishioners hoped that Rihbany would spend the rest of his life with them and a somewhat wistful Rihbany reflected, “It may be I will, but --- who can tell.” He was still somewhat active in Arab nationalist affairs but regretted that “our people . . . are more ready to spend time and money on their wedding feast that on their national ideals.”

From Boston he watched events unfold in French occupied Syria. Writing to his friend Philip Hitti who had returned to Beirut in the Spring of 1921, Rihbany remarked, ‘It must have been rather amusing to you to see so many dressed in Franji. You know that the thing which I regret is the fact that that poor mother country has to array itself in the borrowed garments of an imported civilization, instead of rooting itself in a civilization evolving out of its own soul. But this is a big subject, and a task which Syria probably never can face."

Rihbany also had time to reflect back on the Peace Conference he had attended. He had arrived in Paris visualizing it as “a pentecostal Jerusalem out of which was to go forth the gospel of human brotherhood.” With hindsight he realized that the Arabs and the other peoples of “the East” never had a chance of finding a “redeemer” because their futures had been “pawned” in advance by the English and French. He remembered being summoned by Faial one evening. The Emir had just received a memorandum from the French supposedly summarizing the details of an earlier conversation. Faisal had left the meeting believing that he had reached a “harmonious understanding” with Paris. The communication delivered to him however differed substantially from the details of that understanding and included provisions that were “injurious” to the Arab cause. Turning to Rihbany “with a gesture which seemed to sweep over all Paris,” Faisal asked, "’Is this what you call 'Christian civilization'? Do those who are known as great men tell lies so easily?’"

How could Rihbany possibly reply. He arrived in Paris believing that his adopted country would act as the midwife in the delivery of a new Arab nation founded on the ideals of his beloved President Wilson. Instead of a birth, Rihbany witnessed an act of infanticide. It was not only America’s refusal to accept a mandate for a new Arab state that drove the minister to disillusionment. More devastating was the failure of the American government to embrace the spirit of the King-Crane Commission report and Washington’s silence as the British and French squashed Arab independence and put the lie to the promise of national self- determination.

Abraham Rihbany remained at the Church of the Disciples until 1938 and continued to write and publish. Disillusioned by his experiences in Paris, he chose to be more of an observer than an actor in Arab politics in the United States and abroad. Many of his nationalist colleagues however regrouped and prepared to continue their struggle in the new political context created by World War I.

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New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.