Review of The Universal Enemy: Jihad, Empire, and the Challenge of Solidarity

Review of The Universal Enemy: Jihad, Empire, and the Challenge of Solidarity

Review of The Universal Enemy: Jihad, Empire, and the Challenge of Solidarity

By : Flagg Miller

Darryl Li, The Universal Enemy: Jihad, Empire, and the Challenge of Solidarity (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2019)

[This review was originally published in the Fall 2022 issue of Arab Studies JournalFor more information on the issue, or to subscribe to ASJ, click here.]

Could contemporary Islamic reform, Darryl Li asks, be a struggle for justice that is as much about civil rights, antiracism, cross-cultural dialogue, and human dignity as it is about the particular forms and merits of an Abrahamic faith? In considering this question, Li advances an equally provocative thesis: that Islamic jihad plays a central role in realizing this possibility would seem to make Li’s consideration of the question all the more tenuous. The Universal Enemy: Jihad and Empire After the Cold War offers readers a careful monograph focusing on predicaments that faced Muslim fighters during and after the Bosnian war between 1992–95. Conducting fieldwork between 2006–08, Li situates his study in a phase of US unipolar dominance characterized most broadly as a “war on terror” and instantiated by such prisons as that in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, to which six of the first arrivals were Algerians who had been living in Bosnia. While documenting how US imperial designs informed Muslims’ lives in the region, Li also argues that jihad’s significance and meaning for Bosnian Muslims and the foreign fighters who rallied to their cause require us to move beyond viewing the phenomenon as a mere counter-response to Western secularism and its well-known cultural and colonial particularisms. According to Li, jihad is a “universalism,” a “loose set of ideals directed at all of humanity” (13). While anchored in a campaign to bring Muslims from across the world to Bosnia-Herzegovina, and in that way deeply connected to religious and ethical imperatives, jihad’s inflection in the region coexists with other universalisms, notably liberalism, nationalism, Salafism, the Non-Aligned Movement, international peacekeeping, and the Global War on Terror (the latter three of which form the titles of separate chapters in part 2 of the book). Universalisms may also be thought of as “horizons of belonging” (14); the ultimate purchase of Bosnian jihad is not only relational, then, overlapping with other universalisms, but also concrete and local. The goal of his study is to explore Muslim fighters’ contributions to engaging with these many universalisms in ethical struggles anchored in particular places, intersecting both religious communities and contexts of war and violence.

Employing his training as an ethnographer, Li focuses on the lives and narratives of his informants as well as his relationship to them. Theoretical insights and interventions are glossed in the introduction, for example, through a story about a middle-aged, Iraqi-born Bosnian named Fadhil. Once a foreign fighter, Fadhil gained citizenship after the war and became a human rights advocate, only to fall under scrutiny from the state and its international backers after 9/11 and ultimately be stripped of his citizen- ship. Such accounts gain traction through Li’s training as a lawyer. With attention to his own, and others’, efforts to secure rights and legal recogni- tion throughout the book, Li navigates brilliantly between documenting broader legal and security challenges that faced foreign fighters and their allies throughout the Bosnian jihad and their wrenching human toll. In an early disclaimer, he warns readers not to expect self-congratulation: “ethnography helped me see what the law cannot do, at least not without massive and sustained political pressure” (22).

The first and final chapters of the book frame Li’s arguments with an explicit focus on what he calls the most powerful form of universalism in recent generations: US universalism as expressed through the Global War on Terror. Chapter 1, entitled “Migrations,” focuses on the problematic ways in which the term “foreign fighter” comes to be applied to those who came from abroad to support the Bosnian jihad. The chapter is devoted to short biographical studies of two informants: an Indian-born Saudi Arabian named Abu ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, known by terror experts as one of the most dangerous jihadi leaders in the region, and a Moroccan-born fighter named Abu ‘Ali. Their experiences of migration make their perspectives on supporting the war different from their characterization by international observers as radical extremists committed to Islam’s vanquishing of the West. Abu ‘Abd al-‘Aziz asserts to Li that, although a veteran of the Arab-Afghan jihad, “I would prefer a secular Muslim state to a Crusader one.” He was raised, after all, in a diasporic Arab family that had known many generations of trade with pluralistic societies across the Indian Ocean. By the time he met Li, Abu ‘Ali had worked as a small tradesman in France and Italy, an experience which, though incredibly difficult and ultimately unsuccessful, imbued him with a profound sense of his own European identity. In the final chapter, entitled “The Global War on Terror,” Li considers the ways these and other naturalized Bosnians find themselves, along with their goals, identities, and communities, targeted in many ways precisely for helping fellow Muslims obtain their civil rights and legal recognition as citizens.

Universalisms develop and acquire meaning through particular structures of authority and communal belonging, argues Li. Chapter 2 focuses on the nation-state in Bosnia-Herzegovina and its relationship to religion, especially Salafism, Sufism, and other strains of piety. Although popular views typically contrast the nation-state and its universal ideals with religion and its exclusivist ones, Li argues, following his informants, that this contrast is ideologically fraught. Bosnian Muslims who joined the jihad sought less to establish an Islamic state or to bring Muslim struggles in line with strict Islamic prescriptions than to help conduct a war as Bosnians although through different principles than those prioritized in conventional interstate conflict. Wonderful attention is given to Bosniak fighters’ interpretations of Islamic legal texts and the way in which they gently push back against Salafi doctrinal exclusivism. Chapter 3, “Authorities,” concentrates on one of the most important institutional workshops for jihad’s overlapping universalisms: the all-Muslim military battalion, or katiba. Attention to the value of miracles allows Li to explore an ethics of solidarity that is counterposed to that of sovereignty, at least as theorized most famously by Carl Schmitt. With a discourse of miracles as their aid, katiba leaders are shown to secure a measure of independence from Bosnian state leadership and the national army, even while they remained indebted to states and state funding for their operations. Chapter 4, “Groundings,” delves into the ways in which fighters find Salafism helpful. An Islamic discourse on “virtues” (akhlaq) proves instrumental, as do commitments among kin, especially diverse family members brought together through marriage. Cued by his informants’ perspectives on the war and its aftermath, Li finds Salafism relevant for Bosnian Muslim fighters not as “Salafi jihadism,” pitting religious zealots against secular states and a Western-backed international order, but rather as a strain of universalism, one way to negotiate the many ethnic, religious, nationalist, and social differences that fighters encountered when interacting with one another. Part 2 of the book, “Universalisms,” comprises three final chapters on different universalisms at play. Entitled “Non-Alignment,” “Peacekeeping,” and “The Global War on Terror,” all bear centrally on race. Chapter 5, for example, traces the ways foreign fighters, especially Arabs, were racialized as darker and more threatening in the years following 9/11. Chapter 6 considers such changing racial hierarchies in the region’s United Nations Protection Force and the final chapter, covering NATO’s involvement from 1995 onward, explores surprising universalisms that foreign fighters could embody as they recommitted themselves to rising above profound racial, ethnic, religious and cultural differences so endemic to the international community.

Previous studies of contemporary Islamic jihad that give sustained attention to racialized nation-state formations, militarization, and global structures of systemic violence naturally complement Li’s approach. In Jihad Beyond Islam (2006), Gabriel Marranci explores the ways in which jihad works as a discourse keenly attuned to pressing crises of identity, no more so than among modern diasporic European Muslims. Bruce Lawrence, in Shattering the Myth: Islam Beyond Violence (1998), proposes that jihad be approached as an Islamic semantics and studied through its various symbolic systems; accordingly, jihad’s religious anchoring is intertwined with nationalism, probably the most dominant ideology of the twentieth century. Faisal Devji, in Landscapes of the Jihad: Militancy, Morality, Modernity (2006), explores how jihad discourse is saturated with the legal and moral architectures of colonial power. Global media coverage of Muslim violence and terrorism, especially televisual reporting on al-Qa‘ida, turns jihad into a “universal sign of loss” whose historical metaphysics provide Muslims with an ethical counter-response to secular Western institutions that have arrogated to themselves the privilege of protecting peoples’ freedom, rights, and self-determination. Cabeiri deBergh Robinson’s Body of Victim, Body of Warrior: Refugee Families and the Making of Kashmiri Jihadists (2013) offers readers an ethnography of jihad that most closely resembles Li’s study. Like Li, Robinson finds jihad to be an ethical resource for refugees precisely through its embeddedness in indigenous kinship networks and exchange systems. No longer seen as a collective fight for the sovereignty of the Islamic polity, jihad instead offers a pathway to “a notion of ‘rights,’ a hybrid of Islamic and global political ideas and practices . . . legitimized by the need to protect the bodies of Muslim people against torture and sexual violence” (Robinson, 4). What The Universal Enemy adds to these path-breaking studies is unprecedented insight into jihad’s historical relationship to competing universalisms in the context of a genocidal post-Cold War conflict, one setting in motion important mechanisms for American unipolar dominance.

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412