American Ethnologist (Volume 49, Issue 1)

Saving the face of the Arabah: Thai migrant workers and the asymmetries of community in an Israeli agricultural settlement

By: Matan Kaminer 

Abstract: Since the 1990s, Israeli agricultural settlements in the remote Central Arabah region have relied heavily on the cheap labor power of Thai migrant workers. Yet the agrarian settler-colonial movement to which these settlers belong has historically rejected such “foreign labor” as a moral threat to the collective. Thai employees are thus enjoined not only to plant and pick vegetables in sweltering greenhouses, but also to enlist their own cultural resources to perform the tactful, implicit work of maintaining the settlement's public “face” as a pioneering, self-supported Jewish community. The result, both at work and in public spaces, is a fragile, asymmetrical cultural intimacy, subtended by a convenient one-sided misunderstanding which reflects the racial-capitalist world-system in which it is embedded. [agriculture, cultural intimacy, colonialism, community, facework, labor, migration, Thailand, Israel]

American Political Science Review (Volume 116, Issue 1)

The Paradox of Civilization: Preinstitutional Sources of Security and Prosperity

By: Ernesto Dal Bó, Pablo Hernández-Lagos, Sebastián Mazzuca

Abstract: The production of economic surplus, or “prosperity,” was fundamental to financing the rise of pristine civilizations. Yet, prosperity attracts predation, which discourages the investments required for civilization. To the extent that the economic footing of civilization creates existential security threats, civilization is paradoxical. We claim that, in addition to surplus production, civilizations require surplus protection, or “security.” Drawing from archaeology and history, we model the trade-offs facing a society on its path to civilization. We emphasize preinstitutional forces, especially the geographical environment, that shape growth and defense capabilities and derive the conditions under which these capabilities help escape the civilizational paradox. We provide qualitative illustration of the model by analyzing the rise of the first two civilizations, Sumer and Egypt.

Arab Law Quarterly (Volume 36, Issue 1-2)

Internment or Assigned Residence of Palestinian Protected Persons without Trial or Charge: Victims of War Crimes

By: Basheer al-Zoughbi

Abstract: This article examines internment or assigned residence of protected persons without trial or charge under the laws and customs of war. It then explores Israel’s (as the Occupying Power) resort to such measures and the role of its judiciary. It further considers the grave breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention (war crime) of deportation of scores of Palestinian persons to prisons and detention centres outside the frontiers of their occupied territory. Simultaneously, it considers how the violations of the rules and procedures on internment or assigned residence have amounted to four grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention (war crimes). These are: inhuman treatment, wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or health, unlawful confinement and wilfully depriving a protected person of the right to fair and lawful trial.

Interest and Banks in Saudi Arabia: A Dilemma

By: Saleh Abdulrahman Alamer

Abstract: The banking system in Saudi Arabia faces legal issues with Sharīʿah compliance. Despite the fact that Islamic law is the main drive of the country’s legal system, Islamic banking is not well supported in the banking regulations and it may encounter legal obstacles in applying some Islamic financial mechanisms. On the other hand, conventional banking is not free of legal hurdles as it is challenged by the Islamic judiciary system in the country where interest-based loans are not enforced. These cases create a dilemma where the banking system in the country has to take a clearer legal position toward interest and Islamic banking.

Singapore Convention on Mediation: Should Iran Follow the Position of Qatar?

By: Ali Moghaddam Abrishami

Abstract: Following the recent accession of Qatar, the United Nation Convention on International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation (Singapore Convention on Mediation) will come into force on 12 September 2020. As a Signatory State, Iran is assessing whether to ratify the Singapore Convention. This article illustrates and discusses the challenges and opportunities that Iran and Qatar may face in light of the Singapore Convention. The main focus of this article is on problems facing Iran in relation to the possible ratification of the Singapore Convention. Finally, it determines whether Iran would benefit from the possible implementation. It concludes that, while Qatar may benefit from joining the Singapore Convention, the possible ratification of the Convention in Iran will lead to more challenges than opportunities. For the purpose of developing international commercial mediation in Iran, the UNCITRAL Model Law on Mediation will be an appropriate alternative.

Small Business Bankruptcy Reform in the Arab World: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back

By: Jason J. Kilborn

Abstract: This article assesses a series of recently adopted bankruptcy laws in the Arab world, situating them within three historical phases of global bankruptcy reform. It introduces recently released recommendations from international standard-setting organisations for best practices in the bankruptcies of small and medium enterprises (SME) and applies them to evaluate the key details of recent bankruptcy reforms in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, Oman, and Bahrain. Seeking an explanation for the persistent absence of an especially crucial element of effective SME rescue policy, it recalls the Islamic law relating to debt distress and recovery. Finally, it reveals a revolutionary new approach to this controversial topic, adopted by one Arab state to produce a bankruptcy law that is truly and exceptionally responsive to the needs of SME s.

An Analysis of the Enforcement of Foreign Arbitration Awards in Palestine: Realities, Drawbacks, and Prospects

By: Mohammad Adeb Abu Shehab

Abstract: This article highlights the gaps and difficulties that face the enforcement of foreign arbitration awards in Palestinian courts. In addition, it constructs recommendations for legal and judicial approaches that the Palestinian Authority should adopt to create a ‘pro-arbitration’ system. The article first provides a general analysis of the regulatory deficiencies in the enforcement of foreign arbitration awards, which include the inapplicability of the New York Convention, the existence of the reciprocity principle as a condition of enforcement, and the lack of presumptive obligation of recognising the validity of arbitration awards in Palestine. Afterward, the article focuses on the procedural level of enforcing foreign arbitration awards. It addresses difficulties that face the award-creditor when attempting to enforce the award through the competent court, as well as the Palestinian courts’ approach when reviewing the exequatur, and how this attitude affects the granting enforcement.

Trafficked Refugees: The Jordanian Efforts to Address this Issue

By: Muath Al-Zoubi

Abstract: Recently, the world has been hit by a massive wave of refugees, precipitating the global refugee crisis, which is a pressing issue of global concern. Consequently, addressing this crisis needs innovative approaches. The aim of this article is to establish a relatively new initiative through combining two topics: the global refugee crisis and the crime of trafficking in persons. Accordingly, by combining these two topics, this article will try to find a new initiative that addresses a certain category of trafficked victims, namely trafficked refugees. By analysing the existing primary and secondary sources on relevant issues in relation to the crime of trafficking in persons and the issue of refugees, this article concludes that, despite the difficulties of addressing these issues and the current attempts in Jordan, it is still significant to identify trafficked victims among refugees as this might result in them receiving particular attention.

Delay Damages: The Application of Qatari National Law to Article 8(8) of the 2017 Red Book

By: Nisreen Mahasneh

Abstract: This article addresses a common conundrum when a government is a party to a Red Book contract, that is governed by Qatari national law: the inter-relationship between national law and the voluntarily agreed-upon contractual terms. This article sets forth a proposal that is to amend two Qatari laws as applicable to delay damages under contracts based upon the FIDIC Red Book where a governmental entity is a party to that contract and the parties have elected Qatar law as governing the contract. The two laws are the Qatari Civil Code (QCC 2004) and the Tendering and Procurement Law (T&P 2015). QCC 2004 applies when the Employer and Contractor are private law persons. T&P 2015 applies when the Employer is the government. Each law contains provisions that conflict with and supersede the delay damages provisions of the Red Book, in each case depriving the contractual parties of their intended result.

The Challenges of Registration of Asylum-Seekers in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan

By: Sarah Mahmoud al-Arasi, Muneer Mohammad Shahada al-Afaishat, Tareq Majed al-Tibi

Abstract: This study aims to identify difficulties and challenges facing countries without a National Registration Law, with the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan as model. Jordan, in compliance with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), regulates the presence of refugees and asylum seekers inside the Kingdom and at its borders in accordance with the UNHCR 1998 Memorandum of Understanding. Many such individuals have lost their identification documents when forced to leave their homelands due to armed conflict. Jordanian authorities try to solve such problems through the use of a magnetic-card system and iris scans. This study concludes that Jordan, in ratio to its population, is the second country worldwide to host the largest number of refugees. This study recommends that Jordan enact a National Asylum Law to regulate the presence of such refugees in the Kingdom.

Comparative Political Studies (Volume 55, Issue 2)

Party Competition and Cooperation Shape Affective Polarization: Evidence from Natural and Survey Experiments in Israel

By: Lotem Bassan-Nygate, Chagai M. Weiss

Abstract: Does electoral competition increase affective polarization? Can inter-party cooperation depolarize voters? Addressing these questions is challenging since both competition and cooperation are endogenous to political attitudes. Building on social identity theory and leveraging a natural experiment unfolding over seven Israeli election studies, we demonstrate that the enhanced salience of electoral competition increases affective polarization. We then consider whether inter-party cooperation can depolarize the electorate. To do so, we further build on theories of coalition ambivalence and party brands and leverage the ambiguity around coalition building following elections of Israel’s 22nd Knesset, to implement a survey experiment where we credibly shape respondents’ perceptions regarding the likelihood that a unity government will form. We find that priming party cooperation in the form of a unity government promotes tolerance across partisan lines. Our studies contribute to the affective polarization literature by identifying institutional causes and remedies of polarization in a comparative context.

Comparative politics (Volume 54, Issue 2)

When Do Courts Constrain the Authoritarian State? Judicial Decision-Making in Jordan and Palestine

By: Steven D. Schaaf

Abstract: Under what conditions will authoritarian courts issue decisions that constrain state actors? This study breaks new ground in authoritarianism research by explaining when authoritarian states are—and are not—held accountable to legal norms. I leverage evidence from interviews with Jordanian and Palestinian legal actors, original data on judicial decisions, and two years of fieldwork shadowing judges as they conducted business in the courthouse. I find that courts in Jordan and Palestine are hardly regime pawns, as judges routinely prioritize their own interests above those of regime elites. My results also demonstrate that lawsuits revealing instances of intra-state disunity are particularly good vehicles for expanding judicial authority over state activity and, further, that appellate courts are uniquely less capable of constraining state actors.

Critical Studies on Terrorism  (Volume 15, Issue 11)

Countering far-right threat through Britishness: the Prevent duty in further education

By: Natalie James

Abstract: The 2015 Prevent Duty requires public sector workers, by law, to show “due regard” in the need to prevent vulnerable individuals from becoming engaged in terrorism and extremism through safeguarding mechanisms. For the education sector, this also mandated the promotion of Fundamental British Values. With an increasing rise in concerns over the Far-Right, the Prevent duty has come under increasing scrutiny as to its appropriateness and applicability to prevent “all forms” of extremism and terrorism, beyond those which have long been the focus of the UK government – Islamist-inspired threats. Yet, the role of British Values in this puzzle has yet to be addressed. This research reveals how British Values are positioned within the education system as the antithesis to all forms of extremism and terrorism and embedded within classroom pedagogy. It finds that there are questions over the promotion of an agenda which echoes in-group/out-group constructions of (ethno-nationalist) acceptability found within Far-Right ideologies, through notions of Britishness. Further, it examines the ecological agency of educationalists in responding to such concerns through the enactment of policy to “re-package” the agenda whilst simultaneously revealing the limitations placed on such actions by governance processes, curriculum limitations and wider discourses of exclusionary politics.

Defense and Peace Economics (Volume 33, Issue 1)

Guns and Blood: A Review of Geopolitical Risk and Defence Expenditures

By: Khalid Khan, Chi-Wei Su, Syed Kumail Abbas Rizvi

Abstract: This study evaluates the possibility of having a causal link between geopolitical risk (GPR) and defence expenditure (DE) by employing panel bootstrap Granger causality method. The results highlight the causality running from GPR to DE in China, India, and Saudi Arabia. In other words, the GPR in the form of border disputes, wars and terrorism threats can pursuade countries to increase their defence expenditure. The results we obtain for these three countries are also supported by the neoclassical model, which asserts that GPR is a significant contributor to DE. Contrary to above, there are evidences for reverse causality as well where DE is causing GPR in South Korea and Turkey. The most probable reasons for reverse causality could be the various alliances for regional security by the countries and their dependency on the import of military equipment. The results indicate an insignificant relationship between GPR and DE in Brazil, Israel, and Russia; where the DE is mainly determined by the internal political system and its contribution towards employment generation. On the basis of our results, it can be inferred that the convergence of regional interests in the form of a peaceful solution of disputes may guarantee security. Also, the formulation of the policies that are independent and isolated from the influence of external powers, can help in controlling the ever-increasing DE and GPR in these countries.

Introducing Missile Tests Dataset

By: Cem Birol

Abstract: This paper introduces the Missile Tests Dataset which consists of the publicized and undisclosed missile tests conducted by 15 countries that initiated their missile development programs sometime between 1946 and 2015. Then it statistically explores factors that affect how frequently these countries test-launch their missiles. In that regard, three broad possibilities are investigated: (i) increases in missile tests following decisions to upgrade the missile arsenal or missile-dependent technologies, (ii) increases in missile tests as a retaliation to foreign military threats, and (iii) decreases in missile tests due to economic costs introduced by sanctions. Negative Binomial regression analyses suggest that decisions to upgrade missile and missile-dependent technologies increase all missile tests but have no consistent effect on publicized missile tests. Threats of military nature have surprisingly no consistent effect on all or publicized missile tests. However, receiving economic sanctions increase publicized missile tests. The paper concludes with a discussion of future research possibilities, and policy recommendations.

Democratization (Volume 28, Issue 8)

Elections, legitimacy, and compliance in authoritarian regimes: evidence from the Arab world

By: Scott Williamson

Abstract: Elections have been theorized to bolster compliance with authoritarian regimes by strengthening their coercive capacity, their ability to co-opt, and their legitimacy. While a growing body of research supports the coercive and co-optive functions of these elections, there is little systematic empirical evidence regarding elections? contributions to the legitimacy of autocrats. This article draws on survey data from eight authoritarian countries in the Arab world to show that respondents who perceive elections as freer and fairer are more likely to express acceptance of the regime's right to govern and less likely to participate in political protests, even when they disapprove of the regime's performance. In addition, a survey experiment implemented in Egypt and Morocco provides causal evidence that perceptions of electoral quality impact legitimacy beliefs and expressed willingness to protest. The findings indicate the importance of studying how authoritarian institutions influence popular beliefs about the legitimacy of autocratic rulers.

Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict (Volume 15, Issue 1)

Does repression work?: Measuring repression’s effect on protest using an instrumental variable model

By: Victor Asal, Joseph M. Brown

Abstract: Protest and repression are reciprocally related. Governments respond with repression when faced with challenges to their rule. Dissidents choose their strategies, turning out to protest or staying home, based on the state?s behaviour. But what effect does repression have on protestors? decisions? The existing literature is of two minds on this issue. One school of thought argues that repression suppresses protest. A second school of thought argues that repression increases protest by inducing public backlash against the regime. Efforts to adjudicate these claims are complicated by the endogeneity between protest and repression. We use US economic development assistance as an instrument for government repression. Governments seeking US development assistance eschew the repression of protestors. An instrumental variable analysis of the MAROB Middle East dataset shows that repression (instrumented on US development aid commitments) discourages protest by a dissident group. The likelihood of protest decreases by roughly 20% in a given year if the group is repressed. The need for an instrumental variable model is highlighted by the fact that uninstrumented regressions show the opposite effect, giving the spurious appearance of backlash. Unfortunately for protestors, the appearance is deceiving. Repression works.

European Journal of International Relations (Volume 27, Issue 4)

Entrusted norms: security, trust, and betrayal in the Gulf Cooperation Council crisis

By: Vincent Charles Keating, Lucy M. Abbott

Abstract: Combining scholarship on norms and trust in International Relations, this article puts forward the concept of entrusted norms as a novel means to understand certain dynamics of cooperation and conflict in international politics. Entrusted norms differ from non-entrusted norms both in the manner that they are policed and in the reaction to their infringement. In the first case, there are few formal hedging mechanisms taken against potential defection. In the second case, when broken, they result in a betrayal reaction where a return to the behavioral status quo is insufficient to return to the political status quo. We illustrate the analytical usefulness of entrusted norms through an examination of the established norms of diplomacy within the Gulf Cooperation Council, paying particular attention to interactions between Saudi Arabia and Qatar in the post-Arab Spring period. We argue that the perception of Qatar’s defection from an entrusted norm, the preservation of individual and collective dignity, contributed to the 2014 diplomatic rupture between these two states and set in motion a betrayal/attempted reconciliation cycle, where even Qatar’s attempts to move back to the behavioral status quo prior to the fallout have been insufficient to fully repair the relationship. In addition to providing a novel interpretation to this case, this paper highlights the need for further theoretical consideration of the severity and duration of punishment after norm transgression within social constructivism, reinforces the theoretical connection between social structures and emotions, and advocates for an expansion in the domains of trust that we study.

European Journal of Political Research (Volume 61, Issue 1)

‘Pinkwashing’ the radical-right: Gender and the mainstreaming of radical-right policies and actions

By: LIHI BEN-SHITRIT, JULIA ELAD-STRENGER, SIVAN HIRSCH-HOEFLER

Abstract: Across the globe, women are increasingly more visible as leaders and activists in radical-right parties and movements. Does women's visibility in radical-right politics, both institutionalized and non-institutionalized, affect public acceptance of radical-right agendas? The present paper proposes a ‘radical-right gender mainstreaming model’, arguing that women in radical-right politics are perceived by the general public through a prism of feminine gender stereotypes, which counteract radical-right parties’ and movements’ masculine stereotypes, thus ‘softening’ their image and making them more acceptable to the general public. Across four experimental studies conducted in the Israeli context, we find strong evidence that women's visibility as radical-right parliamentary representatives (Studies 1a and 1b) and as radical-right political activists (Studies 2a and 2b) increases acceptance of and support for these parties’ and movements’ agenda, particularly among women. We further demonstrate that these effects are mediated by the attribution of feminine stereotypes (warmth) to women versus men political actors. Implications of these findings are discussed.

Georgetown Journal of International Affairs (Volume 22, Issue 2)

Scrambles in Djibouti and Beyond: How Should Sub-Saharan Africa Fit into America's 21st-Century National Security Strategy?

By: Eric Silla

Abstract: Not available

Global Change, Peace & Security (Volume 34, Issue 1)

Rebuilding peace in exile: bringing together the Women, Peace and Security Agenda and the International Refugee Protection Regime in Turkey

By: Irem Sengul, Ebru Demir, Bilge Sahin

Abstract: Refugee women are generally depicted as vulnerable and dependent subjects and excluded from peacebuilding efforts. This article is a response to the need for balancing the protection needs of refugee women and their participation in decision-making processes. It brings two different but complementary frameworks, namely the International Refugee Protection Regime (IRPR) and the United Nations Security Council?s Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda, into conversation through a gender analysis. The article shows that bringing these two frameworks together can overcome each other?s limitations regarding refugee women?s agency. Through analysing legal and policy frameworks together with the existing literature on refugee women and the WPS Agenda, this article focuses on Turkey as a case study. This article argues that implementing the IRPR and the WPS Agenda together in a national action plan in Turkey would strengthen refugee women?s protection and promote their agency as actors of peacebuilding in exile.

Government and Opposition (Volume 57, Issue 1)

Electoral Engineering in New Democracies: Strong Quotas and Weak Parties in Tunisia

By: Jana Belschner

Abstract: Bridging the literature on gender and politics, democratization, and political parties, this article investigates the causes of parties’ varying compliance with electoral quotas. Whereas research has so far focused on parties’ willingness to comply, this article sheds light on their ability to do so. It suggests that the more quotas parties have to comply with, and the more complex the quotas’ designs, the more difficult implementation becomes for the organizationally weak parties that we often encounter in new democracies. The argument is developed and substantiated in a comparative analysis of parties’ quota compliance in the 2018 Tunisian local elections. Although the Islamist party was able to comply fully with all quotas (for women, youth and people with disabilities), small secular parties lost a number of lists and state funding due to non-compliance. While the quotas were highly effective in securing group representation, they had repercussions on party and party system consolidation.

International Affairs (Volume 98, Issue 1)

From discourse to practice: Orientalism, western policy and the Arab uprisings

By: Jasmine K Gani

Abstract: Ten years on since the Arab uprisings we are in a position to assess how the nexus between knowledge, discourse and practice had a bearing on the trajectory of the protests. They represented hope and change for millions of Arabs in the region, but to what extent was that the case for onlookers in Europe and the US, and did western discourse on events in the Middle East matter? While the toppling of longstanding dictators was met with jubilation by Arab populations, it conversely created anxiety and fear in many western governments. This was reflected in the shift from an initially celebratory discourse in western commentary to disappointment, pessimism and disavowal of the uprisings. Within a year, op-eds and academic articles were asking whether the ‘Arab Spring’ had turned into an ‘Islamist winter’, reverting to Orientalist narratives about the inevitability of conflict, bloodshed and sectarianism in the Middle East. I argue this discourse had implications for the outcome of the uprisings as ‘latent Orientalism’ translated into ‘manifest Orientalism’ and western states hesitated to support opposition groups they initially encouraged and emboldened. I begin the article with a study of western discourse in the first year of the uprisings, which I then situate within a long durée history of western policy and representation of the Middle East. In the final sections I consider the role of scholarship and think tanks as mediators of Orientalist discourse.

Between mobile corridors and immobilizing borders: race, fixity and friction in Palestine/Israel

By: Nivi Manchanda, Sharri Plonski

Abstract: This article wrestles with the question of ‘national’ borders in racial capitalism. We do so through an examination of border and capitalist corridors. We focus particularly on the Israeli border, branded and then sold to the rest of the world by the epistemic community of border-makers and interlocutors. In tracking the Israeli border and showing the implication of the experts and their markets, we ask how the border reflects and is refracted through a global order organized by the twin dictates of racism and capitalism. We are especially interested in how racialized processes of bordering, ostensibly governed by national exigencies, are transplanted on to other contexts. Two points emerge from this: in the first instance, we ask who and what enables this movement of the border. And in the second, we interrogate which logics and practices are transplanted with the border, as it is reproduced and seemingly fixed in a new place. We examine the violent ontologies that give shape and reputation to Israel's high-tech border industry, which has become a model for the ever-growing global homeland security industry. We ask: has Israel's border become an exportable commodity and who are the actors who have enabled this ‘achievement’? Related to this, what sort of occlusions and structural violence does the fetishization of the Israeli border rely on?

The colonial roots of counter-insurgencies in international politics

By: Somdeep Sen

Abstract: There is a state-centrism in the way insurgencies are conceived in international politics. Herein, policy and practice targeting insurgencies draw on the long-established scholarly perception that war-making is the vocation of the state and that the violence of non-state insurgent factions is a source of insecurity. However, this state-centrism also has a colonial legacy and is an outgrowth of the colonial hostility towards anti-colonial factions. In this article, I establish the colonial roots of the current standing of insurgencies in international politics. Empirically, I focus on the European Union's (EU) peacebuilding efforts in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). These efforts are largely premised on the notion that state-building is synonymous with peacebuilding and are focused on furbishing the state-like institutions of the Palestinian Authority (PA). But, in doing so, this manner of peacebuilding also replicates the scholarly antagonism towards non-state armed factions and, with it, the logic of colonial counterinsurgencies, as it de-legitimizes the varied forms of insurgent politics that occur outside the institutional limits of the PA. In the end, it is not entirely surprising that this mode of engagement has not secured peace—especially since it is premised on a certain antagonism towards insurgent politics. Therefore, I conclude, a substantial understanding (and incorporation) of the political grievances that drive insurgent politics, and their appeal, is essential for effective peacebuilding.

International Political Science Review (Volume 42, Issue 4)

Regional sanctions as peer review: The African Union against Egypt (2013) and Sudan (2019)

By: Elin Hellquist

Abstract: This article offers a novel argument about regional sanctions as in-group peer review, drawing on an analogy from the world of academic publishing. Through their leaning on community-derived authority, equality before the peer, and constructive criticism, regional sanctions have a previously overlooked legitimacy advantage over out-group sanctions used by external actors. The article probes the empirical bearing of this argument for African Union (AU) sanctions against Egypt (2013) and Sudan (2019). Even in these contentious democratic crises, perceptions of sanctions in African media broadly support the theoretical intuition of regional sanctions as a form of peer review. It is, however, far from obvious that peer review leads to successful enforcement of democratic norms beyond urgent crisis. Pragmatic and resolution-oriented, AU sanctions aim at avoiding anarchy rather than at achieving flawless democracy.

(Un)Democratic change and use of social sanctions for domestic politics: Council of Europe monitoring in Turkey

By: Digdem Soyaltin-Colella

Abstract: Monitoring is the formal instrument through which the Council of Europe imposes social sanctions on its member countries by publicly exposing their wrongdoings. As a soft governance tool, monitoring is argued to have a limited impact on state policies. Yet, in Turkey, Council of Europe monitoring worked to promote pro-democratic change and then backfired through the escalation of authoritarian practices. This article shows that being subjected to Council of Europe monitoring can lead to democratic change if and when its sanctioning requirements fit the political agenda of the incumbents and empower them against domestic opponents. In the case of misfit, the political costs of aligning with the Regional Organisations? sanctions increase for governments at home. Yet, as the Turkish case indicates, the outcome has not been inertia but rather the reverse as the government used the Council of Europe?s social sanctions to legitimise its undemocratic measures until it regained power in internal political struggles.

Legitimation, regime survival, and shifting alliances in the Arab League: Explaining sanction politics during the Arab Spring

By: Maria Josepha Debre

Abstract: The Arab Spring marks a puzzling shift in the sanction politics of the Arab League: for the first time, the Arab League suspended member states for matters of internal affairs by majority vote. This article argues that survival politics can explain the changing sanction politics of the Arab League. To re-legitimize rule during this unprecedented moment, member states selectively supported some protest movements to signal their understanding of public demands for change without committing to domestic reform. Contrasting case studies of the Arab League?s suspension of Libya and Syria and its simultaneous support for military intervention against protestors in Bahrain illustrate how concerns for regime legitimation and a short-lived alliance between Saudi Arabia and Qatar contributed to the sanctioning decisions. The Arab League can thus be considered a case of negative democracy protection, where regional sanctions are employed to selectively preserve authoritarian rule.

International Political Sociology (Volume 15, Issue 4)

Occupation, Sight, Landscape: Visibility and the Normalization of Israeli Settlements

By: Jakub Zahora

Abstract: This article contributes toward the understanding of social and political mechanisms that work to normalize and naturalize contested political conditions on the part of privileged segments of the public. I engage these issues via an ethnographic study of Israel's so-called non-ideological settlements in the occupied West Bank, which attract Israelis due to socioeconomic advantages rather than a nationalistic and/or religious appeal. Nonetheless, the settlers’ suburban experiences are in stark contrast to the geopolitical status of their communities as well as the local and international resistance they generate. I draw empirically on interviews and observations conducted in the settlement of Ariel to make sense of this dynamic. Utilizing insights from critical investigations of visuality and landscape, I argue that the normalization of everyday life in the settlements is achieved through the operation of a particular scopic regime linked to the landscape formations in the West Bank. Employing these concepts to investigate the everyday politics of seeing, I show how they channel the settlers’ sight in a way that makes the Israeli rule seem uncontested, naturalized, and even aesthetic in three registers: the depth of visual field, the surroundings, and the people who inhabit the settlements’ landscape.

International Politics (Volume 58, Issue 6 and Volume 59, Issue 1)

Resilience versus vulnerability: Turkey’s small power diplomacy in the 1930s

By: Gürol Baba, Murat Önsoy

Abstract: Research on small powers has composed a slim section of International Relations literature. More focus has been given on super, great, and middle powers since their interactions have more influence. Differentiating small from middle powers is also problematic, unlike distinguishing great powers from these two. The difficulty of choosing the “right” quantitative and/or qualitative criteria for defining state power is one major reason for this. Therefore, this study, rather than developing a quantitative/qualitative contents list for outlining small powers, aims to utilize a so far not-well-tried approach of testing their diplomatic success. For this, it uses small powers’ resilience—vulnerability nexus to examine Turkish politico-economic diplomacy in the 1930s. Quantitatively and qualitatively, the 1930s Turkey was an acceptable example of a small power. The study aims to prove that Turkey furthered its national interests by overshadowing its vulnerabilities with a resilient small power diplomacy.

Modi looks West? Assessing change and continuity in India’s Middle East policy since 2014

By: Nicolas Blarel

Abstract: Various observers have emphasized a recalibration of India’s stance towards the Middle East under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. These accounts have generally highlighted Modi’s public overtures toward Israel, including an unprecedented 2017 visit, as public signs of a break with India’s traditional pro-Arab and pro-Palestine approach. Others have interpreted Modi’s successive visits to the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Qatar, and Oman as indicators of a new outreach to all relevant actors in the region. However, has this diplomatic balancing among regional stakeholders signalled a substantial foreign policy change? Can this apparent policy shift be attributed to the personal preferences of Modi? Or Can India’s fluctuating Middle-East policy be explained by a wider number of fluid international and regional opportunities and constraints? Alternatively, can factors such as ideological and religious politics at the national and regional levels also help account for changes (or the absence thereof) in India’s Middle-East policy? Building on foreign policy scholarship, this paper offers to derive theoretical understandings and expectations about Modi’s role in (re)shaping this regional policy in order to problematizes the conventional understanding of Modi’s engagement with the Middle East as a sign of substantial foreign policy change.

International Studies Quarterly (Volume 65, Issue 4)

The Enemy of My Enemy Is Not My Friend: Arabic Twitter Sentiment toward ISIS and the United States

By: David Romney, Amaney A Jamal, Robert O Keohane, Dustin Tingley

Abstract: A counter-intuitive finding emerges from an analysis of Arabic Twitter posts from 2014 to 2015: Twitter participants who are negative toward the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) are also more likely to hold negative views of the United States. This surprising correlation is due to the interpretations of two sets of users. One set of users views the United States and ISIS negatively as independent interventionist powers in the region. The other set of users negatively links the United States with ISIS, often asserting a secretive conspiracy between the two. The intense negativity toward the United States in the Middle East seems conducive to views that, in one way or another, cause citizens to link the United States and ISIS in a conspiratorial manner.

International Studies Review (Volume 23, Issue 4)

Bringing the Ottoman Order Back into International Relations: A Distinct International Order or Part of an Islamic International Society?

By: Ali Balci

Abstract: Long neglected in international relations (IRs), the Ottoman Empire is now getting the attention it deserves. Leaving its “Westphalian straitjacket” behind, the discipline has finally taken a keen interest in non-Western and historical cases. However, the discipline has long focused disproportionately on the Chinese tributary system and produced a large body of literature about it. Spruyt's The World Imagined presents two crucial innovations. The book, on the one hand, introduces the “Islamic international society” into the mainstream, and on the other hand, balances the dominance of the Chinese tributary system in the historical IR subfield. When Spruyt's book is read together with Mikhail's God's Shadow and White's Piracy and Law in the Ottoman Mediterranean, it becomes clear that the Ottoman Empire should be treated as a distinct international order. By including another book in the debate (Casale's The Ottoman Age of Exploration), this study aims to problematize “Islamic international society” and introduce the Ottoman Empire as a distinct international order.

The Misogyny of Authoritarians in Contemporary Democracies

By: Nitasha Kaul

Abstract: Contemporary democracy in multiple countries has been under assault from what has been variously called right-wing populism, authoritarian populism, cultural majoritarianism, new nativism, new nationalism, quasi-fascism, and neo-fascism. While the authoritarian behaviors of several electorally legitimated leaders in these countries have been in focus, their misogyny is seen as merely an incidental part of their personality. This article highlights the centrality of misogyny in legitimating the political goals and regimes of a set of leaders in contemporary democracies—Trump, Modi, Bolsonaro, Duterte, and Erdogan (all but Trump are still in power)—in countries from across Global North/South, non-West/West, with mixed populations and different majority religions. The argument proceeds as follows. First, I clarify the conceptualization of misogyny and explain why it matters. Second, I demonstrate the substantive misogyny of political leaders who are/have been heads of hegemonic right-wing political projects in five contemporary democracies (Trumpism, Modification, Bolsonarismo, Dutertismo, and Erdoganism). Third, I put forward three systematic ways in which misogyny works as an effective political strategy for these projects, by enabling a certain politics of identity to demonize opponents as feminine/inferior/anti-national, scavenging upon progressive ideas (rather than rejecting them) and distorting them, and sustaining and defending a militarized masculinist approach to policy and delegitimizing challenges to it. This article, thus, contributes to the literature on how masculinity, misogyny, and gender norms more broadly intersect with political legitimacy, by arguing for understanding the analytic centrality of misogyny to the exercise of political power in multiple global projects.

Journal of Civil Society (Volume 17, Issue 3-4)

Negotiating civic space in Lebanon: The potential of non-sectarian movements

By: Sára Vértes, Chris van der Borgh, Antoine Buyse

Abstract: Shrinking civic space is a global trend in governance impeding citizens? enjoyment of the fundamental freedoms of association, expression and peaceful assembly. While deeply affected by this phenomenon, civil society organizations and collectives in Lebanon have cultivated a series of non-sectarian opposition movements that warrant an assessment of how these may contribute to reconciling deeply divided identities. The authors examine the specific challenges imposed on civil society in Lebanon?s hybrid democratic setting, where power and resources are allocated along confession-based cleavages. Additionally, they discuss the strategies through which Lebanese civil society collectives push back against government pressures and defend, as well as expand, their available room for manoeuvre. The strategies of two recent opposition movements are analysed: (i) the coalition ?Kollouna Watani?, a crossover into politics for the 2018 Lebanese elections by actors originally associated with civil society organizations, and (ii) the mass protest movement starting in October 2019. The findings highlight these non-sectarian movements? potential to promote cooperation among the fragmented realms of civil society, as well as the hardships of challenging well-established elites and their interests via formal politicization. In doing so, they also show the potential and agency of civil society to counter the phenomenon of shrinking civic space.

Journal of Democracy (Volume 33, Issue 1)

Why the Military Abandoned Democracy

By: Hicham Bou Nassif

Abstract: The ongoing crisis in Tunisia has shaken the basis of its young democracy. President Kais Saied's 25 July 2021 power grab has upended the political order in Tunis and opened the door to a creeping autocratic restoration. This is tragic not only for Tunisia but also for the Arab world more broadly––Tunisia's was the only democratic transformation that followed the 2011 uprisings and the country gave hope to democrats in the region. Long hailed for their political neutrality and professionalism, the Tunisian Armed Forces have played an ambiguous role in the crisis and stand to benefit from it. This article argues that the generals' change of heart may be due to political and resource demands: They seek a strong leader to help consolidate political and resource gains made in the past decade. Saied and the armed forces have strong incentives to stick together and entrench their power, making a quick democratic restoration in Tunisia unlikely.

Transition Arrested

By: Nate Grubman

Abstract: In July 2021, Tunisia's populist president Kais Saied suspended the popularly elected legislature, upending a decade-long democratic transition. Despite the international celebration Tunisia's 2011 transition had garnered, Saied's executive takeover initially precipitated among Tunisians more relief than opposition. This article explores the factors that left Tunisia's newly established democracy so vulnerable. This essayargues that after decades of single-party rule, political elites failed to build political parties capable of parlaying political liberalization into the good governance and economic prosperity that many had expected to come from democratization. These failures not only contributed to the appeal of Saied's antiparty populism, but also left the country bereft of guardrails to stop him.

Is Democracy Lost?

By: Moncef Marzouki

Abstract: President Kais Saied's de facto dissolution of parliament in July 2021, abandonment of the constitution, and targeting of the opposition are clear signs that Tunisia is no longer a democracy and has returned to the authoritarian playbook of Arab leaders past and present. I see three main reasons for this abrupt end to Tunisia's decade-old democracy: 1) the failure to accompany political reform with socioeconomic gains for citizens; 2) the subsequent rise of populism; and 3) the mistakes of the Islamic party. To move forward in Tunisia and the Arab world more broadly, prodemocratic forces must link freedom, development, and social justice.

Journal of Economic Cooperation and Development (Volume 42, Issues 3 & 4)

On the Investigation of the Impact of Cultural Diversity on the Complexity of Exports in MENA Countries

By: Hooman Shababi, Ahmad Jafari Samimi, Fatemeh Rezaei Donechali

Abstract: Exports play an important role in the global economy. The broad variety of factors affects exports, including cultural diversity, growth, and experience, type of company and export behavior. Among these factors, the factor of cultural diversity was unique and little research was done in this field. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of cultural diversity on export complexity. To do so, data of 17 MENA countries including Iran, Bahrain, Egypt, Algeria, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Jordan, Yemen, Oman, Morocco, Kuwait, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, Lebanon, Djibouti, and Sudan were used in Eviews Software during 1985-2015 by applying panel data regression. These countries are almost homogeneous in terms of political and social conditions, culture and customs. The data were extracted from World Health Organization and World Bank. Findings show that cultural diversity in the MENA countries has a positive and significant effect on export complexity and also on export growth. The results suggest that cultural diversity can contribute to increasing economic growth by increasing export complexity. In other words, policies that promote cultural diversity in a country cannot harm its economy, and therefore extreme worries in some countries, due to the cultural differences, are at least economically discredited.

Gender, Education Levels and Economic Growth in the Middle East

By: Abdullah Abdulaziz Bawazir, Mohamed Aslam, Ahmad Farid Osman

Abstract: This study primarily aims to examine the effect of three education levels namely primary, secondary and tertiary on economic growth in the Middle East countries. Furthermore, the education levels disaggregate by gender to examine their influences on the countries’ economic growth. Accordingly, the study employs the static panel data models namely pooled ordinary least squares model, random effects model, and fixed effects model on ten Middle East countries, for the years 1996 to 2018. Based on the findings, secondary and tertiary education both have significant and positive influence on the economic growth. Analysis by gender reveals that the female education levels are highly positively related to the economic growth compared to the male education levels. The result is in tandem with the policies by the governments towards the enhancement of the involvement of women in the economy by the intensification of the participation of females in the labor force. These findings confirm that governments need to encourage education enrollment rates for both males and females to achieve economic growth. Briefly, the most important policy recommendation to the government is to position human capital development at the center of its development strategy.

Corruption and Public Debt in Developing Countries: Role of Institutional Quality

By: Marium Naz, Bushra Yasmin

Abstract: This study investigates the effect of corruption on public debt in selected Asian and African developing countries for the time period 1990-2016. The System Generalized Method of Moment (GMM) is applied on three measures of corruption by ICRG, transparency International and Worldwide Governance Indicators. The findings suggest that corruption leads to high public debt accumulation in Asian and African countries however the intensity of this relationship is sharper for the African region than the Asian. The study found the role of institutional quality as mitigating in the corruption-debt relationship. And the computed threshold level of institutional quality provides 4 and 3.66 for Asia and Africa as benchmark, respectively that can offset the adverse effect of corruption on public debt. The study also elucidates the findings by computing marginal effects of corruption on public debt at various levels of country-specific institutional quality which reflect the relative standing of each country. Overall, empirical findings suggest adopting effective measures to combat corruption to reduce public debt burden in both regions. A strong judicial system around the anti-corruption strategies and improvement in institutional quality can lower the debt burden through effective control of corruption. Besides, the debt burden situation of the regions can be improved by bolstering GDP as well.

Assessing the Effects of COVID-19 on Stock Markets in the GCC Countries: Evidence from Sector-wise Panel Data Analysis

By: Hazem Al Samman, Erhan Akkas

Abstract: This paper investigates the effect of the COVID-19 on the stock prices in service, industrial, and financial sectors using daily data for 295 companies from January 1, 2020, to February 23, 2021, in the GCC countries. The panel data techniques are utilized based sector-wise in each country: random-effect model, fixed-effect model, and Hausman test. The impact of COVID-19 was analysed during two phases. The first phase included analysing the financial markets’ response from 01-01- 2020 to 30-07-2020. The second phase is the analysis of the financial market response from 01-08-2020 to 23-02-2021. The first phase of results show that the COVID-19 outbreak leads to decreasing stock market prices in GCC countries. The empirical results show that the COVID-19 outbreak has badly hit the stock markets in Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Qatar while the stock markets in Bahrain, Kuwait, and Oman are the least impacted countries in GCC. Furthermore, the sector-wise analysis results reveal that the financial sector in Saudi Arabia is the most affected by the COVID-19 outbreak in GCC countries. However, the response of stock markets to COVID-19 varied over time. The second phase’s findings confirm that the negative impact of COVID- 19 on stock markets in the GCC countries has faded in most sectors due to government support.

Are Islamic stock markets immune from contagion during the financial crisis?

By: Zhang Hengchao, Azhar Mohamad, Zarinah Hamid

Abstract: We assess the contagion effect of the global financial crisis (GFC) and the European debt crisis (EDC) on Islamic and conventional stock market indices of the US, GCC and Malaysia. We run the asymmetric dynamic conditional correlation GARCH specification on daily closing prices of relevant indices from 1 January 2006 through 31 December 2016. Our results show that the Malaysia Islamic stock market is exempted from the contagion effect of GFC and EDC when the shock stems from the US Islamic stock market. Investors in the US Islamic equity markets can create a safety net by reallocating some of their portfolios into Malaysia Islamic stock market, which appears to be more resilient. However, we do find a significant contagion influence between the US Islamic and GCC Islamic stock market, suggesting that the GCC Islamic stock market cannot provide an effective hedge for the US investors seeking a Shariah-compliant investment. Contagion effect generally is inconsistent and not significant for conventional stock markets of these three countries.

Determining Factors of Inward Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Selected Muslim Countries

By: Muhammad Ubaidillah Al Mustofa, Raditya Sukmana, Sri Herianingrum, , Ririn Tri Ratnasari, Imron Mawardi, Siti Zulaikha

Abstract: This study analyzed the impact of country risk, regulatory quality, and selected macroeconomic factors on the inflows of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into selected Muslim countries. A quantitative study was applied using the panel regression method on data of 13 Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) countries from 2002 to 2019. The developed panel regression models evaluated the country risk, institutional quality, and selected macroeconomic factors which included the country’s inflation level, exchange rate, economic output, and political system. These factors are deemed important in many Muslim countries which are known to be associated with poor institutional quality and high exposure to risks due to a multitude of factors such as political instability, wars, and poor management of natural resources. The composite score of the International Country Risk Guide was applied to analyze the impact of country risk on the inflows of FDI and to provide managerial relevancies for different stakeholders. The results showed that in general, Muslim countries tend to have a moderate level of country risk exposure and a low level of institutional quality. As investors prefer to invest in countries with low exposure to risks, the institutional quality must be enhanced to play a vital role in enhancing the flow of foreign investments. Countries with higher economic output have more opportunities to receive higher investment flows.

Middle East Law and Governance (Volume 13, Issue 3)

Parliaments in the MENA Region: Between Timid Reform and Regression. A Comparative Survey

By: Rainer Grote

Abstract: Part of a special issue devoted to the role of parliaments in contemporary Arab politics, this article gives an oversight of the evolution of the constitutional rules governing the status and powers of Arab parliamentary assemblies following the “Arab spring” and during the early stages of the Covid-19 pandemic. Parliaments have traditionally played a marginal role in Arab constitutional theory and practice. Although the strengthening of the role and powers of parliaments and a rebalancing of the executive-legislative relations in favour of the latter featured prominently in the reform agendas emerging from the protest movements of the “Arab spring,” these movements proved unable to produce lasting change. The reforms have either been rolled back by oppressive governments or given way to a political pactice of renewed presidential dominance which diverges considerably from the initial aspirations of the reformers. The highly unfavourable conditions existing in most Arab countries – with internally divided democratic reform movements, entrenched military, and political elites determined to resist genuine democratic change with all means available and powerful external actors supporting the domestic status quo – are likely to ensure that parliaments will remain confined to a largely ornamental role in Arab politics in the foreseeable future.

A Struggle for Institutionalization: the Tunisian Assemblée des Répresentants du Peuple and the Dominance of Consensus-Oriented Politics

By: Chahd Bahri, Jan Claudius Völkel

Abstract: This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” Tunisia’s parliament has undergone a remarkable internal transformation process since 2011, from a formerly mostly irrelevant institution to an influential locus of policy-making. This successful progress notwithstanding, the parliament’s transformation to a democratic assembly has not been fully concluded yet. A main challenge is that the legislature still shows a number of characteristics of an “authoritarian parliament”: besides a lack of staff and financial resources, the continuous dominance of personal kinship over institutionalized power structures remains particularly problematic.

Citizen Wayn? The Struggle of Parliament in Contemporary Jordan

By: Paul Maurice Esber

Abstract: This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” Because the politics of citizenship is felt at all stages of the parliamentary process, the very question of parliamentary relevance itself cannot be answered without reference to the citizenry. That Jordan’s citizenship regime influences and impedes parliamentary politics is explored through two cases. The first being decentralization, understood as a relocating of tasks, decision-making and mandates from a centralized location to different, more localized levels. The second study focuses on the uprisings occurring from May 30, 2018 against the draft domestic tax law introduced to parliament by the government of then-Prime Minister Hani al-Mulki. Both cases are implicated in the Kingdom’s parliamentary politics, and their selection is a conscious move away from election analysis. Taken together they elucidate how citizenship is a key battleground on which any future emancipation/development of parliament will be fought.

Lebanon’s Parliament System as a Form of Institutionalized Hybridity

By: James Paterson, Ben MacQueen

Abstract: This article presents the Lebanese parliament as a form of institutionalized hybridity that offers a modicum of popular participation through highly regulated and moderated channels. It argues that the procedural nature of Lebanon’s electoral system is one that is largely, if not entirely, underscored by a closed elite bargaining process and is driven by elite preferences. This dynamic is a by-product of a power-sharing arrangement that ostensibly balances sectarian concerns, but in reality creates a disparity between political elites and the individuals within those sects which the consociational arrangement purports to include. However, this system has also created and reinforced challenges to its rule, particularly from below. With that in mind, this article highlights the evolving interactions between the entrenched, elite dominated, political system and popular protest movement and outlines how recent patterns of popular unrest present more fundamental critiques of the parliament and its central role in Lebanese politics.

Walking a Thin Line of Representation: Analyzing the Behavior of Egyptian MPs

By: Mazen Hassan, Ahmed Abdrabou, Hala Abdelgawad

Abstract: This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” While legislators in democratic settings have the electorate as their main principal, mps in semi- and nondemocratic settings need to serve two principals to remain in office: the regime and the active segment of the electorate. This dichotymy sometimes requires particular skills in parliamentary behavior. For the case of Egypt, we investigate how mps strike a balance between regime support and representing their constituents up to an extent that does not endanger their chances for re-election. A content analysis of session scripts of the Egyptian parliament in 2016 was conducted to examine how mps walk this – traditionally understudied – thin line. Our findings indicate that representation gets reduced to “descriptive representation,” i.e. a representation that puts more emphasis on representing local constituents and demographic segments, like Copts and women, that mps are presumably elected to represent. We therefore show that mps fulfill the important tasks of citizens representation even in semi- and nondemocratic settings.

European Support for Arab Parliaments: A Successful Way to Democracy?

By: Jan Claudius Völkel

Abstract: This article contributes to the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” In the Euro-Mediterranean region, several international parliamentary initiatives are engaged in parliamentary diplomacy and cooperation. Aside from the European Parliament, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union for the Mediterranean (pa-UfM) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean (pam) cross the shores. In addition, a number of national European parliaments, as well as governmental and non-governmental organizations, cooperate with Arab parliaments in a bilateral manner.

Conclusions, Arab Parliaments Post-2011: A Sisyphean Task?

By: Jan Claudius Völkel, Paul Maurice Esber

Abstract: Not available

Jordan’s Election Law: Reinforcing Barriers to Democracy

By: E.J. Karmel, David Linfield

Abstract: Since the 2016 introduction of a proportional open-list voting system to Jordan’s parliamentary elections, the Jordanian government has faced ongoing demands for reform. In response, the government has continually pointed to the many liberal democracies in Europe that use similar electoral systems. However, the issue is not that an undemocratic system is in place but rather that the system is unconducive to democratic reform given Jordan’s broader socio-political environment. This legal comment will explore the key facets of Jordan’s 2016 election law, discussing how the system – which could be effective in other contexts – impedes political change in Jordan and thus maintains the same patronage-fueled electoral dynamics that have prevailed since the reintroduction of parliamentary life in Jordan three decades ago.

Millennium: Journal of International Studies (Volume 50, Issue 2)

Entangled Empire: Religion and the Transnational History of Pakistan and Israel

By: Maria Birnbaum

Abstract: In this article I trace the transnational history of Pakistan and Israel, focusing on the global politics of religion entailed therein. I study the often-overlooked intra-imperial dynamics and the ways in which these intersected with the colonial and post-colonial sociology of knowledge, the politics of cultural diversity and the changing international order. I illustrate how the census and the enumeration of minorities, the claim to political representation, and the transition from ?minority? to ?nation? shaped that which could be recognised as religious difference as well as the states defined by it. I thereby show how the colonial governmental logic that structured the minority politics of the British Indian Muslims and the Palestinian Jews both limited and enabled the claims to the nations and the states that came to replace them. The case study focuses on two key individuals in the history of the Indian and Palestine partition, and the Pakistani and Israeli independence that followed, Reginald Coupland and Muhammad Zafarullah Khan. I ask how they, the institutions they represented, and the ideas they carried, circulated and influenced changed over the final decade before independence. In the final part of the article, I argue that claims for the recognition of religion in international relations (IR) are not separate from these forms of colonial epistemological politics but are intimately connected to them. By studying the global, entangled politics of religion we can begin to understand the costs of its recognition.

Progress in Development Studies (Volume 22, Issue 1)

Social Media, Mobile Phones and Migration in Africa: A Review of the Evidence

By: Nicole Stremlau, Anna Tsalapatanis

Abstract: The role of new technologies, including mobile phones and social media, in migration moved to the fore during the European migrant crisis in 2015. Images of Syrians fleeing civil war, along with Iraqis and Afghans, guided by their mobile phones became common in the international media. While much has been made about the importance of mobile phones for migrants, including by humanitarian organizations, what evidence do we have about the role such technologies have in migration, particularly for migrants in, and from, Africa? This article uses a semi-systematic approach to evaluate the strength of the evidence around the use (or not) of mobile phones and social media in the migratory pathways of Africans, primarily to Europe. This includes detailed systematic database searches, submissions from experts such as academics and practitioners as well as the use of snowball citation searches. We argue that given the intensity of the claims affirming the role of new technologies in migration, the evidence remains surprisingly anecdotal and weak. In short, the use of mobile phones, and social media, on migratory pathways cannot be generalized and further investigation is urgently required to better determine whether, and how, such technologies are shaping and transforming migration in the ways so frequently argued.

Review of International Political Economy (Volume 28, Issue 6)

Currency and settler colonialism: the Palestinian case

By: Serena Merrino

Abstract: This paper aims to shed new light on the international dimension of monetary power by exploring currency policy as a systematic tool of settler colonialism. The latter is defined as a mode of domination whereby an exogenous hegemonic power aims to displace and dispossess the native society in order to establish a new permanent homeland. These arguments are developed by exploring the case of Israeli currency circulation in the occupied Palestinian territories. To this purpose, the heterodox critique of the classical theory of money is employed to provide a fresh geopolitical reading of the origins, evolution, implications, and continued viability of a so-called ?settler currency.? It is found that Israel?s settler colonial project has been expedited by the enforced shekelization of the oPt, in that the latter not only acts as a barrier to industrialization and economic liberation in line with other hegemonic institutions, but also offers a sophisticated tool for coercion that directly assists the hegemon?s political ends. It follows that a settler colonial currency represents a multifaceted vehicle that facilitates the settler state?s reproduction.

Review of Radical Political Economics (Volume 53, Issue 4)

Putting the Neoliberal Transformation of Turkish Healthcare System and Its Problems into a Historical Perspective

By: Emrah Konuralp, Sermin Bicer

Abstract: The principal objective of this article is to analyze how the Health Transformation Program (HTP), the latest reform to have overhauled the Turkish healthcare system, has been designed according to the project of global neoliberal capital accumulation. This reform is in line with the transformation of the Turkish economy, which has been ongoing since the 1980s. With this aim in mind, this research examines how neoliberalism affects both the provision of healthcare services and household healthcare expenditures in Turkey. The article concludes that, as well as the HTP transferring public funds to the private sector and promoting the rent-seeking characteristic of the Turkish bourgeoisie, the financial burden of healthcare services on primarily the middle and lower-income groups in Turkey has increased dramatically and led to a rise in out-of-pocket expenditures.JEL Classification: H51, I14

Security Studies (Volume 30, Issue 5 and Volume 31, Issue 1)

Rethinking Pathways of Transnational Jihad: Evidence from Lebanese ISIS Recruits

By: Hicham Bou Nassif

Abstract: Why do some individuals leave everything behind to join extremist organizations abroad? The literature on foreign fighters has grown impressively and yielded important insights in recent years. Three problems persist, however: (1) scholarship grounded in empirical fieldwork remains uncommon. This deficit reflects the scarcity of micro-level data based on individual profiles of jihadi recruits; (2) the studies available overwhelmingly center on Western jihadists even though the majority of foreign fighters who join groups such as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) or al Qaeda hail from Arab countries; (3) an artificial rivalry between different explanatory approaches has produced an inconclusive picture of the determinants of radicalization. In this article, I reconsider the various pathways for transnational Jihadi recruitment by drawing upon a unique dataset pertaining to seventy Lebanese militants. I selectively combine elements from multiple perspectives to ponder the pathways of ISIS recruits, but my conclusions can be modified to apply to other circumstances.

Oust the Leader, Keep the Regime? Autocratic Civil-Military Relations and Coup Behavior in the Tunisian and Egyptian Militaries during the 2011 Arab Spring

By: Risa Brooks, Peter B. White

Abstract: We present a theory for how variation in autocratic civil-military relations affects the type of coups to which autocratic leaders are vulnerable. Dictators rely on alternative strategies of control that involve tensions across two imperatives?governance and coup prevention. In a ?grand bargain,? leaders cede prerogatives to the military and compromise on the governance imperative. This insulates them from regime-change coups but still renders them vulnerable to reshuffling coups that result from bargaining failures. Alternatively, political leaders may rely on ?containment,? in which they marginalize the military. Although they make fewer concessions on the governance imperative, the military is more likely to oust the entire regime when the former has the opportunity to engage in a coup, not just reshuffle the leader. We evaluate this theory using within-case process tracing and paired case studies of Tunisia and Egypt, and conduct descriptive quantitative analyses to demonstrate the generalizability of our theory.

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism (Volume 44, Issue 12)

Turkish ISIS and AQ Foreign Fighters: Reconciling the Numbers and Perception of the Terrorism Threat

By: Ahmet S. Yayla

Abstract: This article attempts to establish a database of the numbers of the Turkish ISIS and AQ foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) and their profiles through open sources, available news articles and personal interviews by the author with some former senior government officers; provides insights about the government and public perceptions on Salafi Jihadist terrorist organizations; and studies policy responses concerning returning FTFs and terrorist organizations.

How Do Terrorist Organizations Make Money? Terrorist Funding and Innovation in the Case of al-Shabaab

By: Ido Levy, Abdi Yusuf

Abstract: This paper examines the funding sources of the terrorist group Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen. Using existing research and original interviews, this study outlines al-Shabaab?s history and funding sources. It theorizes that an organization?s capacity to operate in different fields of economic activity drives innovation in funding. Applying a framework for terrorist innovation to al-Shabaab?s funding sources, this study finds support for the theory. Development of intelligence and taxation capabilities is especially prevalent in the al-Shabaab context. Holding territory considerably increases organizational ability to raise funds. Increasing reliance on criminality may compromise an organization?s ideological character and leave it more vulnerable to inter-group competition.

Black Ops: Islamic State and Innovation in Irregular Warfare

By: Craig Whiteside, Ian Rice, Daniele Raineri

Abstract: This paper studies non-state militant group emulation and development of a special operation capability that stands in stark contrast to the normal repertoire of guerilla and terror tactics. Building on evidence of one well-documented Islamic State attack in 2012 that fit many of the criteria of a special operation, we analyzed the mission using concepts from strategic studies to understand the decision-making behind it. We then expanded our search of Islamic State operational claims looking for other examples, in order to understand the scope and frequency of Islamic State special operations since 2006. We found solid evidence of at least three Islamic State special operations over a decade: Ramadi, Iraq (2007), Haditha, Iraq (2012), and Abu Ghraib/Taji, Iraq (2013). Using these insights, we present two key levers ? leadership and propaganda - used by the Islamic State in the decision-making and centralized distribution of resources to invest in a special operations capability that produced outsized strategic effects. These findings contest the conventional wisdom of the future of insurgency as decentralized structures made up of loose, leaderless networks.

Terrorism and Political Violence (Volume 33, Issue 8 and Volume 34, Issue 1)

Framing British ‘Jihadi Brides’: Metaphor and the Social Construction of I.S. Women

By: Leonie B. Jackson

Abstract: This article considers how mainstream newspapers metaphorically represented the British ?jihadi brides?, women and girls who travelled to Syria to live in the self-declared ?Islamic State? (I.S.). Based on an analysis of 365 articles published between 2013 and 2018, the article demonstrates that three frequently occurring metaphors contributed to the construction of these women and I.S. in general, representing them as natural, biological and supernatural forces. These metaphors served to convert a new phenomenon into a knowable form, but in doing so evoked homogenizing and dehumanizing representations that structured the scope of possibilities for responding to the problem of the ?brides?. Ultimately, these social constructions had material consequences, as demonstrated by the mood of indifference among policy-makers to the fate of British I.S. fighters and their families following the fall of the ?caliphate?.

Russia in the Eyes of Islamic State: An Analysis of the Content of Dabiq and Rumiyah Magazines and Russia’s Involvement in the Fight against the Islamic State

By: Marta Sara Stempień

Abstract: This paper analyzes a large content of the Islamic State (IS) English-language magazines Dabiq (fifteen issues, 2014?2016) and Rumiyah (13 issues, 2016?2017), which represent the largest text sample of IS propaganda prepared for English-speaking recipients. The author attempts to understand the propaganda methods and leading themes related to Russia exploited in the magazine. Research confirmed strong, omnipresent religious dualism between ?believing? and ?disbelieving? applied to non-religious entities, seen by Islamic State as enemies. Thus, military opponents, such as Russia are labeled with words such as Crusaders or unbelievers, while self-proclaimed caliphate is portrayed as the last Muslim bastion against the invaders. This article attempts to fill a gap in research on the Islamic State?s propaganda methods used in its flagship online magazines. Its major objective is to discover and understand the Islamic State?s approach to one of its biggest enemies?the Russian Federation. In order to reach this goal, quantitative and qualitative content analysis is used.

Conflict Transformation and Asymmetric Conflicts: A Critique of the Failed Turkish-Kurdish Peace Process

By: Bahar Baser, Alpaslan Ozerdem

Abstract: In this article, we examine the dynamics of the Kurdish-Turkish peace process that collapsed in the summer of 2015. The negotiations began when the conflict reached a certain level of ripeness, one that made it possible for both sides to entertain the possibility of compromise on various taboo issues. However, in the face of both domestic and international developments, the process came to an abrupt halt. This article argues that the main reason the process stalled was because it was built from the start around the idea of ?resolution? rather than ?transformation,? a concept better suited to responding to highly fluid asymmetric conflicts.

‘Cooking the Meal of Terror’ Manipulative Strategies in Terrorist Discourse: A Critical Discourse Analysis of ISIS Statements

By: Mohamed El-Nashar, Heba Nayef

Abstract: This paper linguistically investigates terrorist discursive strategies designed to manipulate recipients? minds into accepting, even embracing, certain ideologies. Though extensive research has been done on manipulative discourse used by journalists and politicians, examining the same discourse used by terrorists received comparatively scant attention. Under Critical Discourse Analysis, we employ a framework of analysis of ISIS discursive tools of manipulation, drawing on Reisigl and Wodak?s (2009) and Wodak?s (2011) discursive strategies, qualitatively and quantitatively analyzing (17) ISIS statements released between 2014 and 2016. We explore the discursive tools ISIS has characteristically used to manipulate its audience and legitimate and defend its actions. The aim is that once terrorist narrative is dissected from a different approach, such effort will be helpful in creating counter-narratives meant to reduce terrorism and vitiate its arguments. Emphasis will be laid on covert vs. overt manipulation, metaphorical dehumanization and metonymic depersonalization. We find that the data contained manipulative tools such as Captatio benevolentiae and volitive modality that are employed to project a positive image about ISIS.

The Developing Economies (Volume 59, Issue 4)

Estimating Firm-Level Capital Stock: The Evidence From Turkey

By: Ensar Yilmaz, İbrahim Engin Kiliç

Abstract: In this study, we mainly discuss the validity of estimating the capital stock at the firm level. Unlike the macro-level estimates, the micro-level estimates require a different treatment on the capital accumulation equation, especially on the estimate of the initial level of capital stock, controlling for firms' entry and exit, and changing composition of firm-level investments. We also consider the ownership of capital assets acquired by different types of finance other than direct purchases?by leasing or by rent. Considering these situations, we elaborate on the controversial issues of existing methods. We then, to some extent, refine alternative methods for estimating the capital stock in Turkey for the period 2005?15 using extensive firm-level data. Using these estimates, we focus on the behavioral trends of firms (i.e., capital-related variables) in manufacturing, services, and information and communication sectors in Turkey.

Third World Quarterly (Volume 42, Issue 12 and Volume 43, Issue 1)

Sovereignty alignment process: strategies of regime survival in Egypt, Libya and Syria

By: Mustafa Menshawy

Abstract: Sovereignty is an ambiguous concept. It is always saturated with multiple meanings, especially as other concepts are either defined in terms of it or depend on it for their own meanings. It gets more ambiguous as scholars, especially those adopting constructivism as a theory of politics and international relations, move onto divergent paths, creating a gap between theory and practice. The article proposes the sovereignty alignment process as a two-level approach that can clarify sovereignty and its components, including territoriality. The internal level of the alignment process includes disaggregating meanings into frames before aggregating them into master frames that can identify, group and organise different ? even contradictory ? facets of sovereignty. The external level traces how these sets of meanings interact with the outside world, having its own meaning and discursive opportunity, which can consolidate the actor?s repertoire of meanings on sovereignty. The outside world can also be material, helping to enact or operationalise the articulated meanings by other means, including the use of force or diplomacy. The approach has been devised to analyse the developments of the Arab uprisings, examining how state leaders redefined their identities and interests to survive the sweeping waves of protests against their regimes in 2011 and afterwards.

From Red Sea to the Nile: water, power, and politics in Northeast Africa

By: Kaleb Demerew

Abstract: How do ideational and material constraints explain changes in foreign policy orientation towards shared water resources? Beyond brute materialist explanations or idealist cooperative frameworks, water politics in Northeast Africa is best analysed through an accounting of material and ideational constraints on statecraft. Ethiopia?s contrary foreign policy orientations regarding two key water resources present an exemplary comparative case study in this regard. In the case of access to the Red Sea, Ethiopia adopted a passive foreign policy orientation; in the case of utilising the Nile, Ethiopia exercised an assertive foreign policy against a stronger power, Egypt. In effect, Ethiopia?s decisions to cede Assab Port to Eritrea in 2000, but then to defy Egypt in building the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Nile in 2011, illustrate dynamic constraints on statecraft in Northeast Africa. These dynamics are analysed through a constructivist realism framework that accounts for both material and ideational constraints.

Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) after proxy wars: reconceptualising the consequences of external support

By: Andrew Mumford

Abstract: The phenomenon of war by proxy has received inadequate academic analysis. At the same time, an understanding of how ex-combatants are demobilised, disarmed and reintegrated into society after conflicts that have seen large-scale third-party intervention has been systematically overlooked. In seeking to rectify this gap and transform understanding of peacebuilding after proxy wars, this article will enhance the conceptualisation of the effect of proxy wars on post-conflict development. In order to achieve this, the article is split into five main parts. The first section assesses disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) and proxy wars in theory and practice to establish some conceptual fundamentals. The second section analyses the nature of proxy war and highlights the problems it poses for the commencement of DDR policies. The third section analyses how the implementation of DDR policies has historically accounted for the role played by external actors. The fourth section utilises a case study approach to look at the DDR consequences of the recent proxy war against Islamic State (ISIS) in Syria and Iraq. The fifth section ties the policy and scholarly issues together by exploring some important lessons for DDR policy design and implementation after proxy wars.

How should one read Trump’s map of the ‘deal of the century’?

By: Ghazi-Walid Falah

Abstract: The article provides a critical analysis of the two maps that were included in the ?Deal of the Century? (DoC) which delineates the territory of the so-called ?State of Palestine?. It examines in detail the proposed new partitioning of historic Palestine among Israelis and Palestinians and defines rules and constraints over who will be living where and aspects of mobility in the area between the River Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea. The paper argues that territorial injustice has been done to the local Palestinian residents and the West Bank. Should the DoC be implemented, the so-called ?State of Palestine? as envisioned will be fragmented into three main enclaves and smaller ones and turned into a landlocked state. These enclaves will be connected with each other via bridges and tunnels. The entire area of historic Palestine west of the Jordan River will be placed under Israeli control, leaving the ?State of Palestine? without any type of basic sovereignty. It is argued that this will not end the Israeli?Palestinian conflict but will escalate it for many years to come.

Understanding oscillations in Turkish foreign policy: pathways to unusual middle power activism

By: Mustafa Kutlay, Ziya Öniş

Abstract: The conventional literature on the role of middle powers emphasises the importance of soft power, niche diplomacy and coalition building. This article explores a case of unusual middle power activism with a focus on recent Turkish foreign policy behaviour. It demonstrates how the interaction of domestic politics and external dynamics produced an unusual degree of foreign policy activism, going well beyond conventional middle power behaviour, with the government increasingly employing coercive diplomacy and militaristic methods. We demonstrate that unusual middle power activism in a shifting international order yielded ?populist dividends? to the ruling elite in the short run but led to a ?triple governance crisis? in the economy, politics and foreign policy, with each element feeding into the others in a path-dependent fashion.

High in the sky: Turkish–Argentine South–South space cooperation

By: Ariel González Levaggi, Daniel Blinder

Abstract: In September 2019, the partly state-owned Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) and Argentine provincial state-owned INVAP officially agreed to co-develop a geostationary satellite. Despite both being developing countries, they have extensive satellite space programmes with different stimuli. In the last two decades, Ankara has pushed for the development of a strategic industry in line with its military needs, while Argentina developed its satellite sector as part of broader initiatives to boost innovation and profits. This article examines the intersection of Argentina?s and Turkey?s space programmes by focussing on the goals, scope and dimensions of the geostationary joint project. The central argument is that despite their dissimilar motivations and policy paradigms, bilateral space cooperation in the Global South could be an alternative route to technological growth, bypassing the dependence on traditional geopolitical partners and technological providers.

Rereading Turkey’s recent history through the lens of rock music: how rock has lost its socio-political edge in neoliberal times

By: Hakan Övünç Ongur, Tevfik Orkun Develi

Abstract: In presenting the historical development of rock music in Turkey from the early 1960s to the present within a socio-political framework, this study provides (1) a rereading of Turkish politico-economic changes and (2) a correlative cultural critique of rock musicianship and songwriting in the neoliberal age. Two related hypotheses are tested through a content analysis of 67 rock acts, 426 releases and 3452 songs from 1963 to 2019. First, it is argued that as Turkey moved from import substitution industrialisation between 1960 and 1980 to 1980s neoliberalism, the content of rock music lyrics changed from being overtly socio-political to having no relation to such matters or to adopting implicit and indirect language in mentioning them. Second, it is proposed that this lyrical unresponsiveness to social matters grew so powerfully as part of the neoliberal economic rationale that it put individuation, self-realisation and market demands ahead of other forms of social relations. So, today?s rock artists are unequipped to respond through their lyrics to grand events, such as the Gezi Park protests of 2013, the failed coup attempt of 2016, or a two-year state of emergency, terrorism and femicide, in contrast to the rock music of the 1960s and 1970s.

Power mediators and the ‘illiberal peace’ momentum: ending wars in Libya and Syria

By: Irene Costantini, Ruth Hanau Santini

Abstract: The civil conflicts that erupted in the Middle East and North Africa as a consequence of the failure of the 2011 Arab uprisings show the limits of mediation as a tool for conflict resolution and of negotiated settlement based on power-sharing as a solution to conflict. The article examines mediation processes in Libya and Syria, problematising the role played by the nature of mediators as well as the broader ideational framework in which they have been operating. We show that in both contexts there has been a declining influence of pure mediators, exemplified by the sidelining of the United Nations, in parallel to a gradual but steady dispersion of mediation efforts in favour of ?power? and biased mediators. This trend reflects a broader rise in arguments in favour of stability, often interpreted in authoritarian shapes at both the local and the international level, a development that normatively and politically undermines the existing international regime dealing with civil wars. Taken together, mediation attempts in Libya and Syria point to the hollowing out of the liberal peace consensus and the consolidation of an alternative framework for conflict resolution based on authoritarian settlement.