Raphael Cormack, Holy Men of the Electromagnetic Age: A Forgotten History of the Occult (New Texts Out Now)

Raphael Cormack, Holy Men of the Electromagnetic Age: A Forgotten History of the Occult (New Texts Out Now)

Raphael Cormack, Holy Men of the Electromagnetic Age: A Forgotten History of the Occult (New Texts Out Now)

By : Raphael Cormack

Raphael Cormack, Holy Men of the Electromagnetic Age: A Forgotten History of the Occult (W.W. Norton, 2025).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Raphael Cormack (RC): The occult in the modern Arab world is an endlessly rich topic. It brings together questions of modernity, religion, science, performance, and identity in an unusual but compelling sub-culture, populated with some fascinating and eccentric—if not always endearing—personalities. I have been collecting material on it for a long time but was never quite sure how to pull it together into a book. The first draft of this project contained long chapters on Valentine de Saint Point (a futurist theosophist who came to Cairo and started her own anti-colonial journal before converting to Islam and settling in Egypt) and the beginnings of Arabic Spiritualism with Mohammed Farid Wagdy and Tantawi Jawhari, but they mostly ended up on the cutting room floor. Instead, I focused on the lives of two occult celebrities: Tahra Bey, an Armenian born in Istanbul in 1900 who took the West by storm as an “Egyptian Fakir”; and Dr Dahesh, a fakir-hypnotist-spiritualist who started his own religious movement in the 1930s and 1940s, first in Palestine then in Beirut. Through them, I have tried to tell a different version of the history of the early twentieth century.

Following their trails allowed me to deconstruct ideas about East and West which were prevalent in the literature of the early twentieth century.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

RC: Although there is a good amount of work on the pre-modern occult in the Middle East (see recent Brill collection by Liana Saif, Francesca Leoni, Farouk Yahya, and Matthew Melvin-Koushki) there is relatively little on the modern Middle East, particularly the Arab world. (In the Arab world, Marwa Elshakry, On Barak, and Majid Daneshgar have all touched on the subject but not made it their central focus.) I wanted to give it this central focus because not only is it a fascinating topic in its own right, but the occult also gives us fresh ways to look at some perennial topics in a transnational way. Both of the occult stars who form the narrative center of the book moved around frequently—though they both ended up in Beirut in the 1960s. Following their trails allowed me to deconstruct ideas about East and West which were prevalent in the literature of the early twentieth century. Their lives show that questions of cultural influence between “East” and “West” are, in practice, much messier than I ever thought.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

RC: On the face of it, there might be little to connect these fakirs and hypnotists with the female singers, actors, film-makers, and dancers of Midnight in Cairo, beyond the early twentieth century time frame. However, this book has many similarities with my last book. It is focused on popular performance (if a slightly unusual kind); it charts the growth of a sub-culture / counter-cultural movement; and most of all, it mines the little used popular press of the early twentieth century (some of which is online and other parts of which can only be accessed in places like AUB or Dar El Kotob). The press of this time is a rich but very difficult source. It gives us insight into parts of the 1920s and 1930s that are not represented in many other places and gives a sense of what people wanted to read about at the time (or at least what they editors thought they wanted to read about). However, we should not be too rosy eyed about the sources. They are often simultaneously conservative, sensationalist, and prejudiced in a variety of ways (around race, gender, and so forth). At a time when archives are particularly hard to access, I have been thinking through ways to use the press as a kind of archive, which may necessitate reading against the grain but at least allow interesting new way of reading the history of the modern Middle East. I see my work in dialogue with people like Ziad Fahmy, Samah Selim (who completed a somewhat similar project with the novels of Musamarat al-Shaab), and Diana Abbani (who has made use of the Beiruti popular press in productive ways).

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

RC: I have tried to write this book for both an academic and a popular audience, something that I have been working on for some years now with my other work. It is something that academics are increasingly interested in at the moment and I have given it a lot of thought. The key difference between an “academic” book and a “trade” book is not in the amount of rigor, the level of accuracy, or the sophistication of thinking; it is in the way the argument is put across. Academic books are written with many direct references to secondary literature and with finely structured argumentation put to the forefront. Trade books make their argument through the narrative. They do still make an argument, but it is one dictated by narrative and therefore more accepting of the contradictions and difficulties of life. It can leave certain questions deliberately unanswered in the way that academic writing cannot. There are, of course, good and bad examples of each type of writing but the good ones always have some kind of argument (maybe “point” is a better word) behind them. They are just putting it across in different ways.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

RC: I have actually been bouncing around between lots of potential projects for around a year but think I have settled on two. The first is a collection of translations of life writing by and about women from the Arabic popular press of the 1920s and 1930s. This is inspired, in part, by my teaching and the lack of English translations of primary material from the period. However, I also think that the texts are interesting enough and the stories are good enough to find broader interest. It is one of the first times that we have a large and interconnected body of women’s life writing in the Arab world (albeit one filtered through the demands of the popular press), and I would love to collect it together in one place. I am also starting work on a bigger biographical project, but am too early in the process to talk much about it!

J: Your first book was about the lives of female entertainers; this book is concerned with holy men. Is there a difference between writing about men and writing about women in this period?

RC: It has been interesting to shift the focus of my work from women to men, but questions of gender remain significant. I have been toying with the idea that the hypnotist-spiritualists of the early twentieth century Arab world were a kind of mirror image version of the female stars of the same period, at least in terms of public opinion. The stereotypical complaint in the press and in literature of the period about female performers was that they were casting a spell over the youth of the nation and were bleeding money from the rising generation of men. This is, perhaps, most clearly demonstrated with the nightclub dancer in Muhammad al-Muwaylihi’s Hadith Isa ibn Hisham, but it existed in many places too. The hypnotist-spiritualists, like Dr Salomon Bey, Dr Dahesh Bey, and others, were often criticized for preying on vulnerable older women, holding them in their thrall to steal their money (there is a case involving Farida Kattan that I discuss in more length in my book). Obviously, the dynamics of these criticisms are different—since, simply put, people of different genders were treated differently—but I think there are interesting comparisons to be drawn between the two archetypal figures of the nightclub singer-dancer and the stage hypnotist-spiritualist. And there were times, in the 1920s and 1930s, when the two would share the same bill.

 

Excerpt from the book (from the Introduction to Holy Men of the Electromagnetic Age)

Telling the comprehensive story of something as vast and obscure as the occult is an impossible task. It is a deep and murky ocean of interconnected ideas, whose adherents plucked philosophies from different sources and stitched them together in their own idiosyncratic ways. Instead, this book will follow the lives of two men who rode this tide of wonders to play their own small but important part in the transnational tale of the early twentieth-century occult. Their stories are now largely forgotten, but they will guide us through the modern world and capture the hopes, anxieties, and neuroses of this troubled age. The miracle men of the 1920s and 1930s talk about hope and progress, but their stories were often tinged with that darkness, which hung heavily over so much of the twentieth century. 

The first, Dr. Tahra Bey, born in Istanbul, traveled across Europe out of the ruins of the Eastern Mediterranean until he reached France as a refugee in 1925. In Paris, advertising himself as an “Egyptian fakir” from a long line of mystics, his ability to manipulate his physical body in inexplicable ways using the power of his mind made him a summer sensation. This stranger from the East could control his heart rate, pierce himself with sharp blades without feeling pain, and even shut his body down completely, entering a death-like state that could last hours or even days, then have himself buried alive before a stunned audience. In the years after his awe-inspiring Parisian debut, he became a fixture of the European stages, and crowds lined up to see his strange marvels in the flesh. He had come to a Europe unmoored by the catastrophic events of the First World War and searching for answers in new places. Dressed in exotic Eastern robes and talking about a forgotten Eastern science of the spirit, Tahra Bey gave Europeans exactly what they wanted to hear. In doing so, he became not only famous but also very wealthy. His demonstrations were so popular that innumerable copycat “Egyptian fakirs” appeared across the Western world as fakir fever spread from Warsaw all the way to Los Angeles. Many of these imitation fakirs adopted the Ottoman honorific Bey (a title similar to “Sir”) in emulation of Tahra Bey. There was a Rahman Bey, a Tatar Bey, and a Thawara Rey, who had obviously slightly misunderstood the significance of the word Bey. Some of them lasted only for a few months, but others stuck around for several decades. One of these many copycats, Hamid Bey, toured America in the late 1920s and early 1930s before establishing his own spiritual movement, from a house in the Hollywood Hills, known as the Coptic Fellowship of America, which survives to this day, long after its founder’s death.

The second part of this book tells the parallel story of Dr. Dahesh and the Middle Eastern occult. At the same time that Tahra Bey was astounding the European public with his spiritual mastery over his body, Dr. Dahesh was spreading his own form of occult knowledge through the Arab world. From his first appearance in Jerusalem in 1929, Dr. Dahesh embraced the doctrine of Spiritualism and the science of hypnotism to become one of the most well-known proponents of an Arabic-speaking occult. When he finally settled in Beirut to launch his eponymous religious movement, he had managed to shape a persona that was the unmistakable product of the twentieth century Arab world. There were no appeals to the “mystical secrets of the East,” which did not hold the same allure here as they did in Paris or New York. Instead, Middle Eastern occultists harnessed the powers of science and progress for their cause, guiding the region toward a new, modern, independent future. 

The story of the occult in the 1920s is a truly global tale, and the spiritual movements of East and West interacted in unexpected ways. The action will pass through six continents, touring the cabarets of Montmartre and Cairo, walking the streets of golden-age Beirut, passing through yoga retreats in Los Angeles, seeing riots in Jerusalem and carnivals in Rio, before finally returning to Dr. Dahesh’s museum in Manhattan. Along the way, we witness some of the most devastating events of the twentieth century: the fire of Smyrna, the Great Revolt in Palestine, the Nazi occupation of Paris, and the Lebanese Civil War. The narrative is based on historical material from across the world that was written in many different languages—among them Arabic, Armenian, Turkish, French, Greek, Portuguese, Italian, and English. The cast of characters includes stateless migrants, a Palestinian nationalist poet, an Anglo-American psychic scientist, a Lebanese artist, a Midwestern psychologist, and a celebrity Indian yogi.

The interwar period was the setting for a great showdown between rational and mystical worldviews—the clash that the historian James Webb called “one of the greatest battles fought in the twentieth century.” This book tells the history of this conflict from the perspective of the losing side. The occult was based on promises about the metaphysical world beyond the veil, where laws of nature and logic did not necessarily apply. In the fragile and ever-changing world of the early twentieth century, this made the esoteric a perfect breeding ground for grifters. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s a battalion of charlatans, fantasists, and swindlers, armed with little more than their charisma and some larger-than-life claims, managed to inspire cultlike devotion in their followers. Neither Tahra Bey nor Dr. Dahesh escaped accusations of fraud or quackery; both had serious run-ins with the authorities. Were they brave visionaries or unscrupulous con men? Did they have a noble dream or a dangerous fantasy? Devoted adepts vigorously defended their prophets, saying that everything new and unexplained always faced opposition at first. Skeptical members of the public were less sure and some were actively hostile: just because something was new did not mean it was good.

These battles between the occult and its doubters were the central battles of the 1920s and 1930s, decades when many were trying to cast aside the corrupted relics of the past to reach a brighter future. The logic of the nineteenth century had been discredited by the events of the twentieth. Tahra Bey and Dr. Dahesh were offering a new kind of logic for the new age, which would be built on different foundations. Like the Surrealists, who were their contemporaries, they revolted against bourgeois rationalism to create something different. Bizarre and unconventional as these holy men might have been, they were at the cutting edge of modern debates. The central question of the occult was also the central question of the twentieth century: Is another world possible? 

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.