Statement in support of François Burgat

Statement in support of François Burgat

Statement in support of François Burgat

By : Jadaliyya Reports


[If you would like to sign this statement, please fill out this Google form.]

We, the undersigned, express our solidarity with our colleague François Burgat, a prominent academic who stands trial for apology for terrorism in France. His first court date was on April 24, 2025, a few days after French president Emmanuel Macron, in reaction to the Trump administration’s war on academic freedom, called international researchers to “choose France.”  

François Burgat, an internationally acclaimed specialist of the Middle East, is accused by the French police of praising Hamas in a series of tweets, some of which are literal reprints of results he published years ago in an academic volume. On April 24, 2025, the French prosecutor requested an eight months suspended sentence, a 4,000 euros fine, a two year ineligibility, and a ban from social media. The court will render its decision on May 28, 2025. We express our support to François Burgat and others who have similarly been targeted by unprecedented levels of repression against pro-Palestine speech in France. We also note that putting a social scientist on trial for speaking out on his expertise does not bode well for those researchers who might “choose France” to escape the U.S. administration’s wrath. 

The source of the White House’s ire toward universities is a wave of pro-Palestine student protest against Israel’s current war on Gaza. Through his Task Force to Combat Antisemitism, the U.S. president has accused Harvard, Columbia, and other institutions of higher education of violating the civil rights of Jewish students. This move opened the floodgates for a punitive campaign on science and scientists, accused of being too liberal or too “woke” by the current U.S. leadership. Coupled with unlawful detentions of pro-Palestine foreign students, large cuts — or threats of cuts — in federal research funding have caused turmoil in U.S. academia and beyond. Middle Eastern studies, and those studying Palestine-Israel, were the canary in the U.S. academic coal mine. 

“France is committed to standing up to attacks on academic freedom across the globe,” the French National Agency for Research (ANR) said a few days ago. Yet the French territory, where the executive has repeatedly attacked academic freedom and the freedom of expression, seems to be an exception to this principled stance. On October 9, 2023, the French higher education minister pressed university presidents to signal any apology for terrorism to prosecutors. The next day, the justice minister asked all prosecutors to “firmly and swiftly” bring charges against “public statements praising the [October 7, 2023] attacks, presenting them as legitimate resistance to Israel, or the public dissemination of messages leading to a favorable opinion of Hamas or the Islamic Jihad because of the attacks they organized”. As a result, hundreds of apology for terrorism charges were filed against students, activists, academics, and other citizens, including 626 between October 7, 2023 and January 30, 2024 alone.

Before 2014, apology for terrorism was seen as a freedom of expression abuse and was included in the press law, which made it procedurally harder to prosecute or repress it. A November 13, 2014 antiterrorism law made prosecution faster and easier, extended the statute of limitations from three months to three years, allowed police forces to keep suspects in custody, and punished apology for terrorism — along with incitement to terrorism — with long prison terms (up to seven years) and hefty fines (up to 100,000 euros, or about $115,000). That the 2014 law is now used to repress political opinions, and in particular those favorable to the Palestinians, reportedly shocked even its author, the former French interior minister.

We find it deeply concerning that a social scientist who spent most of his career studying the mechanisms of Islamist radicalization be prosecuted for apology for terrorism. We believe that this dangerous curtailment of basic academic freedoms threatens French academia as a whole. Beside discouraging foreign researchers who may “choose France,” it could also scare away those scientists who, currently working in France, might find other academic environments less punishing. Above all we fear that, if the hard right wins the next French presidential elections, the absurd shift from fighting antisemitism to defunding science, which in the United States started with a full on attack on Middle Eastern studies, might also happen here. If this is the case, more than presidential wooing will be needed to lure foreign academics to a place where “a single tag in support for Palestine may land you in jail.”

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412