Lorenzo Casini, Occidentalism and the Egyptian Novel. Politics, Poetics and Modernity (New Texts Out Now)

Lorenzo Casini, Occidentalism and the Egyptian Novel. Politics, Poetics and Modernity (New Texts Out Now)

Lorenzo Casini, Occidentalism and the Egyptian Novel. Politics, Poetics and Modernity (New Texts Out Now)

By : Lorenzo Casini

Lorenzo Casini, Occidentalism and the Egyptian Novel. Politics, Poetics and Modernity (IB Tauris – Bloomsbury, 2024).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Lorenzo Casini (LC): This book stems from a reaction to the pervasive and acritical use of civilizational paradigms in the study of modern Arabic literature.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

LC: Since the publication of the first travel chronicles of the nineteenth century, representations of European societies have performed a distinctive role in modern Arabic literature, reflecting the importance of Europe as a reference point for internal debates on modernity, collective identity, and political reform. Occidentalism and the Egyptian Novel provides a novel approach to the study of the European theme in modern Arabic literature based on a radical critique of civilizational paradigms. This book focuses on representations of Europe in Egyptian novels and examines how deployment of the European theme unfolds the authors’ conceptions of modernity, gender, and national identity. In doing so, this work moves beyond existing descriptive approaches in the study of “the East-West encounter”—aimed at mapping the shifting perceptions/images of the Western other—and connects this research field to current transdisciplinary debates in cultural studies and the history of ideas. The book provides a grounded theoretical framework to examine the European theme in the Arabic novel and combines critical insights offered by Occidentalist studies—as framed by authors such as Xiaomei Chen and Alastair Bonnett—with a political reading of literary texts, one that draws from the socio-critical tradition of authors such as Michail Bakhtin and Fredric Jameson. 

The book is structured in five chapters according to diachronic and thematic criteria. All chapters focus on the analysis of several novels with the exception of Chapter 1, “Setting the ideological framework,” which is dedicated to the deployment of Occidentalism in newspaper articles published by Muhammad Husayn Haykal between 1913 and 1933.

Chapter 2, “Writing the nation,” examines the relationship between Occidentalism and the national allegory in three milestones in the development of the Arabic novel, namely Zaynab by Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Awdat al-ruh by Tawfiq al-Hakim, and al-Bab al-maftuh (The Open Door, 1960) by Latifa al-Zayyat. 

Chapter 3, “The emergence of the European woman trope,” provides a study of the European woman trope in the decade from 1935 to 1945 through the analysis of Usfur min al-sharq by Tawfiq al-Hakim, Adib by Taha Husayn, and Qindil Umm Hashim (The Lamp of Umm Hashim, 1944) by Yahya Haqqi. The formation of the European woman trope is discussed in relationship to the trope of Egypt as a woman that appears in the first novels of the Arabic canon. Following the theoretical framework that informs this book, the analytical focus is not placed on the image of European female characters but on the pattern of their relationship with Egyptian male heroes. 

Chapter 4, “De-othering the European woman trope,” shows the transformations of the European woman trope after the late 1950s. These are examined through the analysis of five novels published between 1959 and 2013: al-Sayyida Fiyina (Lady Vienna, 1959) by Yusuf Idris; al-Sakhin wa al-barid (The Hot and the Cold, 1960) by Fathi Ghanim; Aswat (Voices, 1972) by Sulayman Fayyad; Wahat al-gurub (The Sunset Oasis, 2006) by Bahaa Tahir; and Nadi al-sayyarat (The Automobile Club of Egypt, 2013) by Alaa al-Aswani.

Chapter 5, “Beyond the national allegory,” surveys the original deployment of the European theme beyond the national paradigm in three contemporary novels by women novelists published between 1994 and 2001: Gharnata (Granada,1994) by Radwa Ashur; The Map of Love (1999) by Ahdaf Soueif; and Awraq al-Narjis (Leaves of Narcissus, 2001) by Sumaya Ramadan.

The paradigm of civilization proved functional to sustaining the new neoliberal hegemony...

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

LC: My academic work has long been informed by a critical reflection on the entanglements between the European theme, narrative form, and political ideology in the Arabic novel. In this sense, Occidentalism and the Egyptian Novel connects with several earlier articles and my monograph Modernità arabe which I co-authored with Maria Elena Paniconi and Lucia Sorbera in 2012. I was born in Florence, Tuscany. In the course of my formative years, the leftist political culture that had permeated my home society was first overcome by the euphoria of the immediate post-Cold War order with its identitarian wave and the belief that history had come to an end. A few years later, when this initial euphoria was shaken by the multiplication of wars across the globe, the idea of a world divided into different civilizations emerged as the dominant paradigm for understanding the new world order. The paradigm of civilization proved functional to sustaining the new neoliberal hegemony by denying even the theoretical possibility of a universal emancipatory narrative. The 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States contributed to strengthening this civilizational paradigm and generated a political debate grounded in the binary clash versus dialogue between Islam and the West. This intellectual atmosphere has had a deep impact on my study of the European theme in the Egyptian novel. During my research, theoretical and methodological reflections interlaced with the need to restore visibility to the role of social classes and ideologies in historical processes, as they had been obscured under the banner of civilization.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

LC: This book is primarily aimed at a readership of students and scholars of modern Arabic literature. However, it is also conceived as a more general contribution to the theoretical debates on Orientalism/Occidentalism. In this sense, I believe that it can have a wider impact on the study of other literary traditions. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

LC: Right now, I am beginning to sketch a new book project on a political reading of modern Arabic literature as a means to deconstruct hegemonic paradigms that are used to think about the world we live in. 

J: What is the book’s theoretical approach to Occidentalism?

LC: The book can be regarded as a contribution to the expanding tradition of Occidentalist studies. In her theorization of Occidentalism, Xiaomei Chen criticizes the reductionist manner in which Edward Said employs Foucault’s notion of discourse in Orientalism. She begins by quoting Liebmann Schaub to highlight that by ignoring critical Western discourses on the Orient that oppose expansionism, Said seems to make no allowance for the emergence of counter-discourses beneath the official discourse of power in the West.

My understanding of Occidentalism in this book shares several aspects with Chen’s theorization but differs in one fundamental point: the possibility of defining it as a counter-discourse of Edward Said’s notion of Orientalism. Similar to Chen, Ketelaar, and later contributors to this field, I maintain that representations of the West have frequently been used by individuals, institutions, and social groups as strategic devices for various political ends in the context of domestic ideological debates. But precisely because of its strategic nature, Occidentalism cannot be defined in Chen’s sense as a “counter-discourse, a counter-memory and a counter-other to Said’s Orientalism.” More than as a process of self-appropriation, Occidentalism can be better grasped as a powerful rhetoric device deployed in colonial and postcolonial societies in the internal struggle for cultural and political hegemony. In the study of the Arabic novel, Occidentalism may be defined with reference to Jameson’s notion of the “political unconscious” as a common and recurrent pattern through which ideology manifests within the texts by permeating their “strategies of containment.” These narrative “strategies of containment,” which seek to endow their object of representation with formal unity, can be unmasked only by confrontation with “the ideal of totality which they at once imply and repress.” As a theoretical perspective and a field of research, Occidentalism refers to the study of these strategies of containment grounded on specific constructions of the West.

 

Excerpt from the book (from Chapter 3, Emergence of the European Woman Trope (1935–45))

In Egyptian novels published during the first half of the twentieth century, Occidentalism takes often the form of the representation of a tormented love affair between the Egyptian hero and the character of a European woman who acts as a trope of modern Western civilization. The existing critical literature on these novels tends to focus its attention on the image of the European female characters and examine it as a reflection of the authors’ perception of the Occident. This approach, however, confuses at several levels the represented world with the world outside the text and could be well used to exemplify Mikhail Bakhtin’s definition of naïve realism. On the one hand, it assumes uncritically the texts’ civilizational divide between East and West (a literary construct) as a natural way of thinking about the world. On the other, it deals with literary constructs of the West (the represented world) as reflections of the authors’ perceptions (the world outside the text). 

This chapter examines the European woman trope in three canonical novels published between 1935 and 1945, ‘Uṣfūr min al-sharq (A Bird from the East) by Tawfīq al-Ḥakīm (1938), Adīb (A Man of Letters) by Ṭāhā Ḥusayn (1935), and Qindīl Umm Hāshim (The Lamp of Umm Hashim) by Yaḥyā Ḥaqqī (1944), and focuses on how this trope has been used in the construction and critique of specific modernist ideologies. In these works, the European woman trope can be described as the quintessence of the ‘internal mediator’ that René Girard theorized with reference to the nineteenth-century European novel. As the embodiment of modern European civilization, the European woman trope condenses specific imaginaries and desires that the Egyptian heroes project onto Europe. Alongside the relationship with the character of a European woman, the hero undergoes a temporary metamorphosis – the supreme aim of triangular desire according to Girard – into what he believes to be the ‘ontological essence’ of the woman-mediator. The hero’s dissatisfaction with his new being, often associated with a nervous breakdown, leads him to repudiate the mediator in the name of his old self (Adīb), a new identity which results from an alternative mediation (‘Uṣfūr min al-sharq), or a difficult synthesis between his popular cultural heritage and the scientific spirit of European civilization (Qindīl Umm Hāshim). A passage of Franz Fanon’s book Black Skin, White Masks effectively exemplifies – in the expressive style typical of the author – the way Girard’s model of triangular desire applies to the European woman trope:

Out of the blackest part of my soul, through the zone of hachures, surges up this desire to be suddenly white. I want to be recognized not as Black but as White. But  and this is the form of recognition that Hegel never described – who better than the white woman to bring this about? By loving me, she proves to me that I am worthy of a white love. I am loved like a white man. I am a white man. Her love opens the illustrious path that leads to total fulfilment…I espouse white culture, white beauty, white whiteness. Between these white breasts that my wandering hands fondle, white civilizations and worthiness become mine.

Both Girard and Fanon focus their attention on the extra-textual psychological dynamics of the relationship subject-mediator even when they examine literary texts. Differently from them, this study contextualizes the relationship subject-mediator within the wider narrative structure of each novel and its specific ideological configuration. Although the pattern of the subject-mediator relationship works along similar lines in the three novels examined in this chapter, each subsumes this pattern within its own narrative strategy, an original vision of modernity and a specific political ideology. 

The context: the genesis of the European woman trope in early twentieth century Egypt

The formation of the European woman trope in the Egyptian novel can be conveniently explained in relationship to the woman-as-the-nation trope that was used as a recurrent icon in pictures published in the early twentieth-century press and as a prominent character in nationalist novels such as ‘Adhrā’ Dinshawāy (The Maiden of Dinshaway, 1906) by Mahmūd Ṭāhir Ḥaqqī and Zaynab by Muḥammad Ḥusayn Haykal. Although the two tropes have been used to characterize alternative symbolic spaces, nationhood and foreignness respectively, the ideas associated with them have often overlapped. Until the mid-1920s the woman-as-the-nation trope was mostly represented as an Egyptian peasant or a Pharaonic queen who embodied the mythical and unchanging time of the nation, its perpetual essence. In the following decade, however, the same trope came to be represented as ‘the new Egyptian woman’ and became associated with specific ideas and desires of modernization and progress. The replacement of this trope by that of the European woman in the most influential novels of the decade 1935–45 allowed the authors to articulate their critical attitudes towards hegemonic models of modernization and specific modernist ideologies. 

Beth Baron devoted a large part of her monograph Egypt as a Woman to the study of feminized images of the Egyptian nation in cartoons, sculptures, pictures and stamps from the first half of the twentieth century. In her study she found that the spread of the woman-as-the-nation trope in Egypt was mainly related to the development of the notion of national honour against the backdrop of British imperial intervention and occupation:

National honor made sense, it worked, because Egyptians were imagined as a family, and nationalist rhetoric constantly reinforced this notion of the collective. At the same time (…) Egypt was represented as a woman whose honor had to be defended.

The most renowned artists who represented Egypt as a woman were men who aimed to create an emotional bond between the male addressees of their works and the nation. But despite this male-gendered dimension of the trope, women’s political activism had a decisive influence on the way they were characterized in these works, as the cartoons published across the 1920s testify. Following the increasing activism of women nationalists after the ‘Ladies’ Demonstrations’ of March 1919, the modern urban Egyptian woman – the new woman – became the main icon of the Egyptian nation in the cartoons published by newspapers such as al-Laṭā’if al-Muṣawwaraal-Kashkūl and Rūz al-Yūsuf. In 1921 al-Laṭā’if al-Muṣawwara published a picture of a woman driving a car with flags and a banner, transporting other women to the harbour of Alexandria and a reception in honour of Liberal Party members. Two years later al-Kashkūl published a cartoon that depicts Egypt as a ‘new woman driving a car and navigating to avoid dangers on the road’. Like her counterpart in Republican China (1911–49), the Egyptian new woman represented ‘a positive view of linear modernity and hopes for a strong future’ but she was also a problematic presence for the country’s male elite, revealing ‘deep anxieties over alienation and loss that accompany modernity’.

A similar transformation of the iconography of the woman-as-the-nation trope also occurs in the narrative field, through changes in the characterization of the Egyptian heroine. The eponymous heroine of Haykal’s novel Zaynab is an uneducated peasant who accepts the fate that has been determined for her by her family according to ancestral social traditions. In contrast, Saniyya, the heroine of al-Hakim’s influential national allegory ‘Awdat al-rūḥ (The Return of the Spirit, 1933), is an educated middle-class girl with significant agency. In the allegorical structure of the novel, Saniyya symbolizes Isis, the Goddess who unites the torn pieces of Egypt, but she is also depicted as the new woman, an assertive and modern character who manages to convince her mother to invite the novel’s young hero to their house in order to sing for her while she plays the piano. As a national trope, Saniyya embodies the mythical pharaonic roots of Egypt but also its transformative present and the ideals of modernization that the nationalist elite desired for the country.

The emergence of the European woman trope in the novels of the 1930s can be explained considering the contradictions inherent in the use of the new woman as a national icon by the male authors belonging to the landowning elite. Not only was the latter difficult to reconcile with the authors’ gendered vision of the nation – in the topical moment of the national revolution of 1919 Saniyya is ousted from the narrative, and thus from the national community –, but the very ideal of linear modernity that the new woman embodied had become the object of severe criticism during the 1930s. The European woman trope allowed the authors to articulate this criticism through a consolidated pattern in the 19th century European narrative – the hero’s repudiation of the internal mediator – and, at the same time, remove the troubling modern female subjectivity from the domain of the collective Self.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.