Kholoud Al-Ajarma, D. A. Jaber, and Jawida Mansour, “Tobacco Cultivation in the West Bank Between Economic Survival and Settler-Colonial Constraints,” Arab Studies Journal, Fall 2025, XXXIII, No. 1−2
Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this article?
Kholoud Al-Ajarma, D. A. Jaber, and Jawida Mansour (KAA, DAJ & JM): The idea for writing this article stemmed from the concern about the increasing reliance on tobacco cultivation as a primary livelihood strategy in Jenin and the wider northern West Bank. In a context marked by structural violence, economic fragmentation, and restricted mobility, tobacco has emerged as one of the few crops that offers Palestinians a predictable—though deeply precarious—income. Yet this shift comes for specific reasons and carries significant consequences that are often overlooked. Therefore, we sought to investigate the broader political and economic structures that shape why Palestinian farmers cultivate tobacco rather than alternative crops—structures tied to settler-colonial land policies, market constraints, and the absence of viable agricultural support. The article draws on findings from our ethnographic project, funded by the Arab Council for the Social Sciences, which examined the expansion of ʿArabi tobacco cultivation and the lived realities of those situated along its value chain: smallholders, wage laborers, traders, and family members. We spent more than eight months conducting immersive fieldwork, living in the communities and sharing the everyday rhythms of work, care, and negotiation that sustain tobacco production. This approach enabled us to understand the economic pressures driving the sector and the costs it imposes on households. Writing this article was therefore an opportunity to foreground the entanglement between livelihood strategies and the structural conditions of occupation, while also amplifying the voices and experiences of those working within this expanding agricultural economy.
J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the article address?
KAA, DAJ & JM: This article examines the conditions that have enabled tobacco production to flourish in the Jenin governorate, north of the West Bank. It asks three interconnected questions: why has tobacco become a dominant source of income in these localities? How do workers interpret and rationalize their participation in this informal labor sector? And how does gender shape the organisation of labor across the tobacco value chain? The analysis situates the recent expansion of tobacco cultivation within the broader context of historical and contemporary Israeli settler-colonial practices and their effects on the Palestinian economy. By tracing the structural factors that render tobacco a preferred and comparatively reliable crop in Jenin, the article engages with critical debates on agrarian change under conditions of occupation. It also interrogates the informal dimensions of tobacco production and the gendered division of labor that sustains it, highlighting the centrality of women and children to the sector’s everyday operations. Although tobacco cultivation has been present in the region for decades, only in recent years has it become such a substantial source of employment and household income. Today, entire families are involved in the cultivation, harvesting, and processing of tobacco—revealing both the constraints imposed by settler-colonial economic structures and the adaptive strategies through which Palestinian communities navigate them.
J: How does this article connect to and/or depart from your previous work?
KAA, DAJ & JM: The article emerges from, but also expands beyond, the team’s long-standing engagements with Palestinian life under settler-colonial conditions. Each of us approaches the topic from a distinct yet complementary trajectory. Kholoud, the project lead, has worked for many years with Palestinian refugee communities and on the ways that displacement reshapes relationships to land, water, and other environmental resources. Jaber’s research centers on human rights frameworks in occupied Palestine and questions of health, while Jawida has worked on cultural heritage and the transformations of rural livelihoods. Together, these perspectives provided a lens through which the team approached tobacco production. The collaboration itself began informally. Kholoud and Jawida first met and spoke about the situation in Jenin, and Kholoud became intrigued when Jawida described the rapid expansion of tobacco cultivation and its impact on local farming practices. Kholoud visited Jawida’s village —‘Anin in the Jenin governorate—and immediately noticed how tobacco dominates the landscape. We visited several neighboring villages, meeting farmers and walking through extensive fields filled with tobacco plants. These conversations brought into focus the complex pressures driving the crop’s expansion, including the decline of more sustainable forms of food agriculture. The encounter raised questions that neither of us could ignore, and when the Arab Council for the Social Sciences announced its call for proposals under the theme “Health and Livelihoods in the Arab Region: Wellbeing, Vulnerability, and Conflict,” we recognized the opportunity to investigate these dynamics through a systematic ethnographic study of the tobacco value chain. Given the legal and socio-economic dimensions of the topic, it was clear that a third collaborator would enrich the project. Kholoud had previously met Jaber at an academic conference and was familiar with her work on human rights under occupation. Therefore, she approached Jaber who joined the team shortly thereafter.
J: Who do you hope will read this article, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?
KAA, DAJ & JM: We hope this article will be read by scholars, practitioners, and students interested in the socio-economic dynamics of Palestinian life under settler colonialism. More specifically, we aim to reach those working on the intersections of agriculture, labor, and environmental change in contexts of political constraint. By foregrounding the lived realities of families engaged in tobacco cultivation, we seek to broaden conversations about how structural violence shapes everyday livelihood strategies and the forms of labor—often informal and gendered—that sustain them. We also hope the article will contribute to ongoing debates on agrarian transformation in Palestine, offering evidence that can support advocacy efforts focused on labor rights, environmental issues, and sustainable agriculture.
J: What other projects are you working on now?
KAA, DAJ & JM: In connection with this project, we have completed a second article that examines the everyday struggles of Palestinian farmers and their active efforts to protect their land amid ongoing Israeli settler-colonial policies. That piece conceptualizes tobacco production as part of a broader “resistance economy,” rooted in the mobilization of Palestinian resources, labor, and consumer practices to counter Israel’s structural control over the Palestinian economy. It argues that many tobacco workers understand their labor as central to safeguarding their land, avoiding dependence on employment in Israel, and sustaining a dignified standard of living. We have also collected substantial data on the gendered dimensions of tobacco production and its effects on the younger generation, particularly in relation to health and wellbeing. We intend to develop this material into separate publications. On an individual level, each of us continues to pursue complementary research directions. Kholoud is currently working on two projects: one that investigates academic freedom as understood by Palestinian academics and students, and another that examines the experiences of Palestinian and Arab diasporic communities in Latin America. Jaber is conducting research on reproductive rights and the everyday lives of Jerusalem residents under occupation. Jawida continues her work on cultural heritage in Palestine and the wider Arab region.
J: What challenges and ethical considerations did you encounter when collecting the data used in this article?
KAA, DAJ & JM: We faced several logistical, political, and ethical challenges throughout the research process. One of the most immediate difficulties concerned physical access to Jenin. For both Kholoud and Jaber, travelling from other parts of the West Bank required navigating a system of checkpoints and unpredictable movement restrictions imposed by the Israeli authorities. Kholoud’s field visits involved travelling from Bethlehem to Jenin, and each trip demanded close monitoring of road closures, military incursions, and local developments. At times, the political situation directly halted our work. For instance, on the day the Israeli army assassinated the journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, all checkpoints along Kholoud’s route to Jenin were abruptly closed, making it impossible to reach the field site. Even for Jawida, who is local to the area, repeated raids and incursions into villages across the Jenin governorate disrupted mobility, created insecurity, and at times limited access to participants. These dynamics introduced a constant degree of unpredictability, compelling us to adapt fieldwork plans while prioritizing the safety of both researchers and participants.
A second layer of complexity arose from the fact that the fieldwork was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic. Although public concern about the virus fluctuated over time, we remained attentive to the health and wellbeing of participants, adjusting interview practices, meeting arrangements, and field visits to minimize risk. Building trust was essential, particularly because tobacco production is only partially regulated, and some aspects of the value chain operate informally or outside legal frameworks. On one occasion, a tobacco workshop we had visited days earlier was raided by the Palestinian police, raising concerns that our presence might have been misconstrued. This required careful follow-up to reassure workers and ensure that participation remained fully voluntary and informed. Also, as women conducting research in rural, often conservative environments, we encountered gendered expectations and occasional risks. Therefore, we implemented a strict protocol ensuring that at least two team members would always travel together for interviews or field visits in order to enhance our personal safety and support each other during the fieldwork period.
Excerpt from the article (from pages 80 to 84)
Several factors influence decision-making about tobacco cultivation in Jenin, including economic considerations, physical constraints, and threats to agriculture. These factors are intertwined with Israel’s settler-colonial practices, which have systematically undermined the Palestinian economy and aimed to dominate Palestinians territorially, politically, and economically. Over decades of colonization, as noted above, Israel has employed strategies of economic domination by exploiting Palestinian lands and natural resources, creating structural dependency on Israeli goods and labor markets. Ahmad, a farmer who made the transition to tobacco cultivation, exemplifies these economic realities. He explains:
I used to grow crops like wheat, freekeh, and clover. During the [growing] season, however, the price of these crops drops significantly. For example, a kilogram of wheat sells for only one shekel [0.28 US dollars] . . . It is hard to predict this in advance. . . Given the high costs of land and farming, it becomes nearly impossible for a farmer to make a profit under these circumstances. This economic pressure has driven many farmers, including myself, to switch to tobacco, which offers more profitability. Tobacco is more predictable. The prices are known to those who work in this field.
Ahmad is a man in his late fifties living the village of ‘Arraba. His family has been farming for generations. He inherited a plot of land from his father, who had inherited it from his father before him. For years, Ahmad followed in their footsteps, cultivating subsistence crops. He was often frustrated, however, as his hard work yielded little profit due to market saturation. Vendors sold Israeli produce at lower prices than local farmers could match, a problem that continued to worsen over the years. Standing at the edge of his field and looking out over rows of tobacco plants, Ahmad reflected on his decision to switch crops. “It wasn’t easy,” he said, “but the economic realities left me no choice.” Tobacco, unlike other crops whose market price often fluctuates unpredictably, offered greater financial stability. The estimated profit per acre of tobacco is between four to five thousand shekels (1,170 to 1,460 US dollars), compared to less than two to three thousand (585 to 878 US dollars) for other crops. This significant margin made tobacco a more appealing option. In some cases, it was also an incentive to engage in smuggling, as farmers and merchants sought to maximize their earnings, despite the penalties the PA imposes on unlicensed tobacco. Ahmad’s story is not unique; many local farmers have turned to tobacco due to the economic challenges posed by restrictive policies and market dynamics.
Tobacco’s value chain benefits many people beyond those directly involved in growing it. Rami, a member of Ya‘bad’s Cooperative for Tobacco Cultivation, explains:
Working in tobacco production provides significant benefits, not only for landowners and farmers but also for the men who harvest, the drivers who transport the leaves, the women who dry the leaves or roll cigarettes, and the small merchants who buy dried tobacco and resell it in the market. . . We have 189 members registered in the cooperative, but that actually means that around 2,000 to 2,500 people benefit. . . Each family in the town typically has eight to ten members involved in some aspect of the work, even if their land is not registered . . . This industry has helped people to pay for their children’s school and university fees, as well as elder care. It has also contributed to town infrastructure.
According to Rami, the ripple effect of tobacco production extends to individuals, families, and the local economy. As Rami drove through town, he stopped by a tobacco field. The plants grew in neat rows, with broad, green leaves stretching out from thick stalks. The mature plants, topped with clusters of pale pink flowers, ranged from three to five feet tall, while the younger ones resembled large lettuce heads from afar. The leaves, largest at the base and smaller toward the top, displayed a central vein branching into a series of smaller ones. These fields, according to Rami, represent collective steadfastness (sumud). Tobacco production, he asserts, allows families to weather the constraints imposed by Israel’s policies and to keep a foothold on their land.
In addition to economic pressures, physical constraints and threats to agriculture have also driven farmers toward tobacco production. Movement restrictions, particularly in Area C, areas adjacent to the Segregation Wall, and those within the seam zones, makes agricultural activity increasingly difficult. Area C, comprising approximately sixty percent of the West Bank, is under almost complete Israeli control and includes all Israeli settlements, military zones, and settler roads. It also contains the majority of the West Bank’s fertile lands and natural resources. Israeli restrictions on movement and land access prevent farmers from tending their crops, undermining agricultural productivity.
Construction of the Segregation Wall has also caused significant damage to Palestinian agricultural land, for instance destroying olive groves, fruit trees, irrigation systems, and agricultural roads. Farmers whose lands lie behind the Wall must apply for difficult-to-obtain permits from Israeli authorities. Yousef, a sixty-three-year-old farmer from Ya‘bad, recounted how, starting in 2004, he has required special papers to reach his land. In response, he collaborated with Mohammad, a bedouin resident, who lives on the other side of the Wall, to circumvent the restrictions by establishing a fictitious property claim. At first, as they agreed he would do, Mohammad planted vegetables like tomatoes, cucumber, mint, and parsley. This plan would have benefited Mohammad, who usually needed five hours to travel from the other side of the Wall to Jenin to buy food for his family. But Israeli settlers loosed wild animals, including boars, on the farm; they broke the water meter and crushed all the vegetables. Tobacco emerged as the most viable crop under these conditions. The advantage, Yousef explained, lies in the fact that tobacco matures only within fifty to seventy days after planting. Many vegetables, like cucumbers, demand daily supervision and immediate harvesting to retain market value. In contrast, tobacco can be harvested in stages and withstand longer periods without tending. Although a farmer’s prolonged absence may reduce the quality of harvested tobacco, it will not ruin the crop. The high nicotine content in tobacco also repels wild animals, adding another layer of practicality. For farmers like Yousef and Mohammad, tobacco represented a crop that can survive while they continually struggle for access to their farm. Under such conditions, the decision to cultivate tobacco is both tactical and necessary.
For many, growing tobacco is also a way to assert a claim to their land and protect it from confiscation by the Israeli occupation authorities. Maintaining agricultural activity, even under difficult circumstances, becomes a political act of resistance. Tobacco production, for many participants in the research for this article, is an act of sumud (steadfastness). Munira Khayyat, in her research on the impact of war on agriculture in southern Lebanon, describes tobacco as part of a “resistant ecology” that survives in a “war-ridden borderland.” She argues that in conditions of conflict and constraint, tobacco becomes a symbol of an “ecology of resistance and survival.” Similarly, Palestinian farmers regard tobacco cultivation as a form of economic resistance that sustains families while reinforcing their presence on their land.
Tobacco production is also a strategic choice in the face of Israeli attacks on other economic opportunities. A case in point is the 2017 demolition of approximately 160 charcoal facilities in Ya‘bad, ordered by Israeli authorities following allegations of air pollution affecting nearby settlements. These facilities provided livelihoods for around five hundred Palestinian families. In contrast, Israel turns a blind eye to the pollution—including of the air, water, and soil, as well as the disruptive noise—caused by the stone-cutting industry in Jenin and other areas of the West Bank, since Israel benefits from taking in seventy-five percent of the industry’s total production. This double standard further illustrates how the Israeli state weaponizes economic and environmental policies against Palestinians. The destruction of the charcoal industry pushed many into unemployment or toward labor in Israeli settlements. Some, however, turned to tobacco cultivation as an alternative.
Settler-colonial restrictions on movement, land access, and labor compel smokers to seek cheaper alternatives to imported cigarettes. Local ‘arabi tobacco meets this need effectively. During periods of heightened restrictions, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, when Palestinians were denied access to Israeli labor markets, the demand for local tobacco surged. Producers seized the opportunity to promote the consumption of locally produced tobacco. They claimed that their product was not only more affordable but also of higher quality, emphasizing its completely natural composition, made one hundred percent of tobacco leaves grown on Palestinian land with none of the chemicals added to imported cigarettes.
Tobacco production, according to many research participants, offers a way to resist reliance on exploitative Israeli labor markets as well as avoid the pitfalls of working in Israel. Osama, a twenty-four-year-old employed at a tobacco workshop near ‘Arraba, is an example. He chose to work locally despite the allure of higher-paying jobs in Israel… (cont.)