Burhan Ghalioun Address to the Syrian People (Video and Translated Transcript)

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Nov 6, 2011 Syria
[Burhan Ghalioun. Image from screen shot of below video.] [Burhan Ghalioun. Image from screen shot of below video.]

Burhan Ghalioun Address to the Syrian People (Video and Translated Transcript)

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following speech was given by prominent Syrian opposition leader, and president of the Syrian National Council, Burhan Ghalioun as an address to the Syrian people on 5 November 2011. The original Arabic speech is shown in the video below. English translated transcription by Ziad Abu-Rish.]

Oh great Syrian people,

I address you today on the eve of the blessed Eid al-Adha, as our country reels from the violent actions of an unjust regime, which has transformed our country over the decades into a kingdom where power is inherited, where our rights have been deprived, our dignity violated, our freedom wasted, and we have been transformed into prisoners.

Then you revolted, oh champions. You sacrificed everything for the sake of the freedom that is desired. Now there is no home in Syria without a missing father, a raped daughter, a detained young man, or a violated child. Your courage, determination, and sacrifice have captured the admiration of the entire world and shaken the pillars of tyranny.

You are not in this ordeal alone. Your sacrifices have been noted by Syrians everywhere in the country. Your invitation has unified your Syrian brethren in the diaspora, across all parts of the world. Your efforts have highlighted the trove of talents, energy, and creative abilities of all Syrians.

Oh great Syrian people,

From this day onward, Syria will not be anyone`s plantation as it has been for so many long decades. Instead, it will be a country of freedom and dignity for all of its children. It will not be a country of oppression, discrimination, and exclusion. Rather, it will be one country for a united Syrian people. [It will be a country] without talk of majorities and minorities, and instead [will be a country] of citizenship and equality. In dealing with its people, the state will not consider any national, regional, or sectarian marker. It will not take anything into consideration [in its dealing with people] except for merit, devotion, effort, and sacrifice for the sake of the whole.

Syria’s new constitution will protect minorities and their rights, including the Kurds, who have been deprived of rights and subjected to discrimination. In the new Syria, the judicial, legislative, and executive branches of power will be separated. In it, the government that falls short of duties will be held to account. Power will be in the hands of the people, who will choose though the ballot box who governs them. The future Syria will be the state of justice and law, where everyone is equal before the independent judiciary, and where everyone will have the right to form organizations, [political] parties, and associations, as well as to participate in decision-making.

Oh great Syrian people,

With each passing day, and with every drop of blood shed, we advance another step on the road to freedom. The fall of the despotic regime will come, as it did for other regimes of corruption and oppression. History has taught us that whomsoever beats their people, detains their youth, transgresses their honor, and steals the wealth of the country is a traitor. His fate holds nothing for him except his fall, prosecution, and demise.

Oh great Syrian people,

The Syrian National Council is fighting a political battle both with you and in your name, at home and abroad. It is your Council, and your vehicle to be heard by the world and to defend your cause. Its members are your comrades in the great battle for freedom. Your support for the National Council has honored and heartened us. We promise you not to spare any effort or time in the cause to overthrow this despotic regime.

We will not negotiate with the blood of the victims and martyrs. Nor will we compromise on the pained groans of detainees. We will not falter at the stumbling blocks of the regime. Nor will we fall for its tricks and games. We in the National Council believe that the regime`s strategy behind any initiative or movement is the gaining of more time and nothing else. This will not do it any good.

We realize the responsibility and trust before us. We feel all your pains. But the challenges facing us are great, the most important of which is to to build a strong institution to be able to manage the affairs of the country during the transitional period. This cannot happen overnight, despite the rapid progress we are making. We have submitted formal requests to the Secretariat of the League of Arab States and the United Nations to protect civilians in Syria by adopting binding resolutions to send international observers. The options before the SNC are numerous, and we do not exclude [pursuing] any of these.

Oh great Syrian people,

On this preferred day, we salute our soldiers who refused to carry out orders, who risked their lives and those of their families to defend the people and protect them in their peaceful marches. We say to them, "Syrians will not forget what you have shown of true nationalist spirit and adherence to duty. We call upon the [entire] Syrian army to follow your example in respecting their oath to protect the homeland and the citizens, not to protect a corrupt and despotic regime." [We also call on the entire Syrian army] to not obey their commanders [when ordered] to fire on the peaceful people. There will be no excuse in the future for any soldier that he was simply following military orders.

We [now also] address those of our people that remain hesitant or afraid. We assure them, and we assure you, that this revolution is your revolution. It is for you just as it is for us. You are our brethren. Your blood is sacred just like ours is. The fate and future of your children and ours are the same.

Oh great Syrian people,

Syrians will not forget those countries and organizations that stood with their revolution, those who helped and supported them in gaining their freedom.

We will continue to mobilize local, regional, and international support for our just cause, in spite of those that continue to listen to the regime and defend it. The despotic regime has fallen. However, it continues to erroneously gamble on pushing the country towards chaos and civil war. Our only guarantee in thwarting its plans is our unity, diversity, and persistence until victory.

Oh great Syrian people,

The future of Syria is being created today: the new Syria that we wish for, are striving for, and working towards; the Syria of freedom and not the Syria of slavery; the Syria of dignity and not the Syria of discrimination; the Syria of love and not the Syria of hate; the Syria of progress and not the Syria of backwardness. Today, it is on all of our shoulders that the duty of saving our country, restoring life to it, and creating such a [new] Syria falls. And this is not that far away [of a goal].

Mercy for the martyrs of freedom and dignity, healing for the wounded and injured, and freedom for the detained youth!

Long live free Syria. Long live the great people of Syria, united.

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Jadaliyya Reports

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 

[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412