Imagining Tahrir

Imagining Tahrir

By : Yasser Alwan

I.

Egyptians saw themselves for the first time through their own eyes in Cairo’s Tahrir Square in January and February 2011, and reveled in that encounter. Participating in and recording that experience was to become part of the consciousness of a community that was ready to move heaven and earth to restructure Egyptian society for the better.

The consciousness was individual in that it established one person’s experience among the crowd, it was moral because recording everything became imperative for a community working so hard to sustain itself and build a new society. And it was collective. No one refused to be in a photograph or a video before the “Battle of the Camel” on 2 February brought infiltrators and thus suspicion into Tahrir. People often sought out the cameras because we felt – as the Salah Jaheen/Abdul Halim song declared every day – that we were part of the same picture, that divisions within Egyptian society mattered less than the ties that bound people together in that community. (To photograph on the streets of Cairo like this before 28 January would have met with a hostile response). That collective consciousness also asserted itself through the internet as individuals and the groups they formed then and there uploaded material to show the world the who, what, why and how of Tahrir, and to motivate fellow Egyptians to come down and join them.

The consciousness of Tahrir intertwined with image, sound and word in a cathartic expression of dizzying proportions. Uneven in focus, low-resolution, super-fast, choppy, and artless to the extreme, ranging from the mundane to the heroic: in that stream-of-consciousness material a powerful sense of wonder and discovery and of being there emerges.

The amount of recorded data is so enormous that all attempts to gather and organize it have failed. This material comes from innumerable and rival sources – for everyone who owned a mobile phone used it to record something of those first eighteen days. In this material – scattered throughout the four corners of the country – lies the collective memory of the revolution.

II.

The center of world events for a short time, Tahrir also captured center stage in the international media. Photographers, journalists and camera crews parachuted in from everywhere. The televised revolution these professionals produced was telegenic. It consisted of 1) a simplified, visually coherent story of easily recognizable good guys and bad guys, 2) courageous, attractive, industrious, and well-spoken protestors, 3) violence turned into spectacle (fighting and bloodshed without any of the pain), and 4) correspondents who take risks to bring you the news. The revolution had a neat beginning and a neat end. End of story. Everyone goes home, except for the locals who are still living through the fallout.

The professional photographers were conspicuous in Tahrir because they usually carried the largest, most sophisticated cameras, and often more than one. They produced those hi-res, sharp, colorful, stop-action images that the world saw almost immediately. They worked hard to play substitute for our eyes.

They came from everywhere. They competed intensely to get the most exciting shots. They sought the best vantage points from above, or from within the action, and they took risks that some demonstrators would not. I met an articulate freelance photographer from Japan who knew nothing about Egypt but knew that Tahrir would get him published. A French camera crew that had just arrived wanted to photograph and interview those bloggers who had already appeared in the French media. They did not have time to look around and explore. Most revealing was that so many of the photographers I met already had a good sense of the photos they hoped to make – as if they were working from a prepared visual script: as if the unfolding of the actual events was secondary. Almost none of them spoke Arabic.

These photojournalists could very well have cared about the protestors and the future of Egypt. The point is entirely irrelevant to their raison d’etre and modus operandi. They are the foot soldiers of the mainstream media – an international system of visual management. News is a bureaucratic process in which the photographer provides raw material for the finished product – a visual façade that shows us day in and day out that the only drama in life stems from the dramatic: revolution, war, famine, natural and man-made disasters, spectacular discoveries and incredible athletic feats.

Technological developments have taken our eyes to the heavens, the depths of the oceans, the heart of matter, and the infra-red and ultra-violet spectra. Even to that oxymoron, night vision. We even see through disembodied cameras. We see more, but less introspectively. We are rarely able to see beyond the precisely controlled façade that surrounds us. The façade has convinced us, through the realism of photographic images, that they are a shortcut to the truth -- and that there is nothing else worth seeing.

III.

Late evening, 28 January 2011, the southern border of Tahrir along the Mugamma: The fighting here continued long into the night, long after I had any energy to give. I did not photograph the clashes, the courage, recklessness and restraint of the demonstrators, the injured and the suffocating. I did not know what I could do with a camera: not yet, perhaps not ever, certainly not during. When I sat down to rest, it dawned on me that my first photos would focus on this Interior Ministry stronghold and hub of bureaucratic coercion. I had been harassed and warned umpteen times by hardcore security personnel that photography was prohibited here – even though I never considered it – over the last twenty years. This would become my very personal revolt in the wider revolution.

In fact, I have been photographing the revolution for twenty years. The daily struggle of the average Egyptian has underpinned my portraiture. Bread! Freedom! Social Justice! The main slogan of the revolution is at the center of that struggle. My portraits in Tahrir are the tip of an iceberg. In them you will not find outright references to political protest precisely because the long revolution unfolds at a pace and in forms that the media are unable to recognize or represent.

My photography suggests (and the revolution confirms) that the Egypt we have been presented with is a preconceived projection – whether in the nineteenth-century photography of Maxime du Camp, through today’s (state-controlled or international) media, or the tourism industry. Photographs merely added an aura of truth to that illusion.

I photograph in order to see for myself, to try to see through the façade, and thus to deepen my own understanding of the world. I rarely leave Egypt to do this because discoveries are just around the corner – if you look carefully, if you elicit photos rather than produce them, if you are willing to interact instead of just observe, and if you are willing to seek and tease out rhythms in life that do not appear as soon as you show up with a camera. My work suggests that there is plenty of drama in daily life, that photographs can depict human encounters based on solidarity, and that they can plumb more than the immediate moment.

Photographing in Tahrir Square was a new challenge. Time compressed and things happened too fast, but since everyone was using a camera, no one was about to arrest me for photographing the Mugamma. With the withdrawal of the security apparatus and the establishment of a community, the taboo against photographing strangers (and anything other than a glossy touristic scene) evaporated and hostility toward photographers disappeared for a while. People were coming toward me for once, people who once would have regarded me with initial suspicion. No matter from what walk of life, Egyptians were proud and wanted to record their newly discovered sense of citizenship. Young men – Egypt’s greatest abandoned human resource – found self-respect not based on swagger and bravado, but on their willingness to protect the square at the cost of their lives. In turn they earned the respect and gratitude of everyone in Tahrir. But all in all, it took me too long to make sense of these changes - I had internalized the taboos, especially that of photographing unrelated women.

The future is collaboration. Across culture, social class, and gender. We all see the Arab world – including most of us who live here – through the occupied territories that the media have made of our eyes. Only together, through an expanded sense of ourselves, by exploring the world that we are all complicit in making and by acknowledging the pain we have caused others, can we create a better world. That was the promise of Tahrir for eighteen amazing days.

May 27, 2012 Lebanon

The Buraqs of "Tahrir"

The aesthetic and political significance of the murals and the graffiti of Mohammed Mahmud Street continue to draw much attention due to their mesmerizing beauty and their crucial significance for the visual and artistic narration of the revolution. It is not only the murals’ aesthetic appeal that has captured the imagination of many observers, but also how they exemplify a fascinating fusion between a variety of cultural artistic traditions that portray Egypt’s rich history, namely Pharaonic, popular Islamic, and contemporary traditions. They all reinvent, adapt to, and adopt universal schools of painting, adding a fascinating “Egyptian twist” to express—sometimes humorously—the spirit of rebellion and resistance.

It remains debatable whether the Mohammed Mahmud murals represent a post-January 25 Revolution innovation, or whether the very idea of murals had already existed in the façade paintings of rural dwellings, as inscribed in Islamic traditions and ancient Egyptian temples. Yet, the fusion between popular Islamic, Pharaonic, and contemporary artistic traditions remains one of the most striking features of these murals.

This short photo essay is the beginning of a broader research effort to highlight the influence of symbols of popular Islam in visualizing the January 25 Revolution through the theme of the “Buraq,” which appeared in the murals by artists Alaa Awad and Ammar Abu-Bakr. Specifically, the essay examines two distinctively different visions of the Buraq; namely the Buraq of Alaa Awad in the mural facing Tahrir Square at its intersection with Mohammed Mahmud Street. Before it was erased on the week of 21 May 2012 the mural was located on the last Mohammed Mahmud wall to be painted after the rest of the Street’s walls were completely filled with graffiti. The second Buraq, which was painted earlier by Ammar Abu Bakr, is located on the walls of Mohammed Mahmud Street.

The Buraq is a mythological creature that is half-animal and half-human with wings. The body has often been described as representing a half-mule, half-donkey. In some Islamic traditions the Buraq is figured with the head of a woman, while in some paintings it appears with a male head. Earlier Islamic references do not seem to define the human element of the head. The Buraq is famously known as the creature that is said to have transported the Prophet Muhammed from Mecca to Jerusalem and back on the night of the “Israa and Meraj” (the night journey). Associated with flying and defiance of gravitation, the Buraq is often viewed as a symbol of freedom and liberation.

Buraq also means lightening, and in some contexts the term denotes a vision or a dream. In the Persian and Indian traditions, the Buraq is represented as a beautiful looking half-woman, half-animal, with long black hair and a peacock tail. In some Indian paintings the body takes the shape of a cow.

The Buraq, we are told, also transported Abraham, who shared his time between one wife in Syria and another in Mecca. This evokes one interpretation of the Buraq as the state of being in an intermediate realm, somewhere between two worlds, such that one would be experience being in two places at the same time. One could further draw the analogy between the Buraq and the realities in Egypt, by underscoring the uncertain, seemingly intermediate state in which post-Revolution Egypt appears to be experiencing today.

Alaa Awad’s murals tended to heavily borrow from Pharaonic art. His first painting in Mohammed Mahmud Street depicted the scene of an ancient Egyptian funeral, in which women mourners are praying behind a sarcophagus that is being carried away while the soul of the deceased is ascending to heaven. The mourned were the Ahly Ultras fans who were massacred in Port Said on 2 February 2012.

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                                                             [Alaa Awad Buraq mural. Photo by Mona Abaza.]

Alaa’s most recent paintings on the wall facing Tahrir Square differ from his previous work. Here he seems to combine several traditions, fusing Islamic icons with contemporary art. According to Awad, this mural depicts the internal conflict the revolution faced when it had to retreat from the battle after confronting violent attacks by counter-revolutionary forces. However, what the mural conveys clearly is the ordeal of a violent battle and death. The retreat of the revolutionary forces is portrayed in the mural by ancient worriers and horse-riders turned upside down. This seems to be happening at the same time as preparations for another attack are underway. Here a figure, resembling an infant dressed in white (possibly with white wings), is standing on the back on the Buraq, but without riding on it. Awad’s Buraq is accompanied by a few young black panthers, which, according to him, symbolize the protectors of the Revolution. Near the Buraq, a chariot’s weel, perhaps as a prison, is incarcerating the face of an officer that symbolizes one of the officers who had been imprisoned by the army after participating in an anti-SCAF (Supreme Council of the Armed Forces) Tahrir protest on 8 April 2011. Awad’s message is that the SCAF does not represent the entire army, which also encompasses the honest officers who sided with the revolution and were condemned by the SCAF for doing so.

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                              [Alaa Awad Buraq mural with focus on the chariot’s wheel. Photo by Mona Abaza.]

Alaa Awad’s mural shows a Buraq featuring a female head with wild, curly hair. The Buraq is green (which is often interpreted as the color of Islam) and displays the body of a mule or a horse, with three front legs, perhaps to convey speed. Staring faces, some of which are upside down, appear on the Buraq´s body. Black panthers are protecting the Buraq, which appears to be standing in the middle of a battlefield. Looking backwards in the direction of its protector, the Buraq seems to be between defeat, retreat, and possible resurgence. The Buraq’s depiction could possibly also symbolize the struggle of the women who have encountered humiliation, virginity tests, and beatings in Tahrir Square. The Buraq is conflicted about what to do: run away, escape, or advance toward freedom? The mythical figure of the Buraq, for Alaa Awad, appears to epitomize freedom, the symbol of the revolution.

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                                                       [Ammar Abu-Bakr’s Buraq Mural. Photo by Mona Abaza.]

Ammar Abu-Bakr’s Buraq on the other hand, evokes the image of the facades of the rural dwellings in Egypt. In contrast to Alaa Awad, the body of the Buraq in Abu-Bakr’s mural is sky-blue. The head of the woman is staring at passers-by. Her black braids and her ornamented headscarf are clear references to the traditional fellahin garment. The Buraq speaks to the Egyptian fellahin culture and in this case it would be mostly often associated with the hajj (Muslim pilgrimage) journey. The Buraq is often painted on the facades of houses in the countryside when celebrating one’s return from hajj, and as a way of narrating the sojourn. It is perhaps another way of reminding us of the significance of the fellahin popular tradition in the revolution.

Alaa`s mural vanished this week thanks to the “professional whiteners” whom Egyptian authorities usually commission to erase graffiti art from streets. The mural and the buraq, mentioned in this article turned this week into an archive that could be resurrected through the efforts of photographers.

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                                 [Alaa Awad Buraq erased on Mohammed Mahmud Street. Photo by Mona Abaza.]

The obsession with whitening walls persists all over the city. On 21 May, as I passed in front of the murals of Mohammed Mahmud Street, I found out that some local officials had started to paint over the mural on the American University in Cairo (AUC) wall facing Tahrir. By the time AUC security personnel noticed it, the entire mural facing Tahrir and one bit of the Mohammed Mahmud mural, which was painted only last week had vanished under a thick white paint. AUC security personnel managed to stop the workers from erasing the rest of the wonderful mural.

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                                              [Silhouette painting before it was erased. Photo by Mona Abaza]

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                                                 [Silhouette painting after it was erased. Photo by Mona Abaza.]

The government-commissioned workers justified their actions by stating that they were only interested in erasing insults against SCAF. What they targeted though, apart from Awad’s wonderful mural, which included no words or insults, was the infamous half-Mubarak, half-Tantawi portrait and the most recent drawing of a faceless military uniformed silhouette with a joker’s mouth, holding with threads headless marionettes wearing suits and ties. Perhaps too, these professional whiteners thought to start erasing graffiti from the Tahrir side so that they would be unnoticed by AUC security. Last month, the AUC administration had decided to preserve the murals and graffiti by painting the walls with a protective layer, though it seems that their efforts to protect the art were partly unsuccessful.

Shortly after the incident was announced on Facebook, the Square was filled with numerous photographers and graffiti hunters who were already filming the next round of politically subversive graffiti art. The artistic struggle to preserve the revolution remains strong.

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         [Photographers document making of next round of graffiti on Mohammed Mahmud Street. Photo by Mona Abaza.]