Peter Limbrick, Arab Modernism as World Cinema: The Films of Moumen Smihi (New Texts Out Now)

Peter Limbrick, Arab Modernism as World Cinema: The Films of Moumen Smihi (New Texts Out Now)

Peter Limbrick, Arab Modernism as World Cinema: The Films of Moumen Smihi (New Texts Out Now)

By : Peter Limbrick

Peter Limbrick, Arab Modernism as World Cinema: The Films of Moumen Smihi (University of California Press, 2020).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Peter Limbrick (PL): I began this book out of a sense of urgency at how much we do not yet know about cinema in the Maghrib and Arab worlds, and a desire to tell more complicated stories about its histories. Most immediately, I met Smihi when I helped program the San Francisco Arab Film Festival in 2007; we showed his film A Muslim Childhood/El Ayel/Le gosse de Tanger (2005). Here was someone who had been making films for forty years (fifty, by now!), who was deeply read in film and cultural theory, and who had written essays on cinema in French and Arabic, yet there was scarcely anything written on him in English. His work was not available in the United States and his name was only recognizable to Francophone or Arabophone cinephiles. Those lacunae tell us a lot about the politics and economics of film distribution, the Eurocentric and monolingual tendencies of Anglophone film theory and criticism, and the difficulty of pigeonholing his films. So, at one level, I wanted to rectify a major gap in our knowledge of world cinema by accounting for his long career, which I really began to discover in 2010 when I went to Tangier to see the rest of his work.

But there were bigger questions involved. As I wondered whether to embark on a book-length study, I realized that thinking about Smihi’s cinema allows us to better understand the diversity of film-making practices in the region. I wanted to find a way to account for the modernist and experimental elements of his films in ways that did not just read them as the product of some European film movements. I wanted to break the postcolonial axis of influence to show how these films are embedded in much longer histories of cinema and cultural forms that are Arab, European, and international—and that let us see the contributions of Arab and Maghribi artists to diverse histories of modernisms.

... there are Arab films and filmmakers that have pushed the boundaries of creative expression and deserve to be thought of alongside other more storied films and filmmakers ...

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

PL: The book’s title means to get at a number of connected topics. First, I wanted to gesture to the excellent work that is going on around Arab modernisms of many kinds (poetry, literature, painting, and music) and to make an intervention in that field by arguing for cinema, too, as one of the places where we find expressions of Arab modernism. Second, I wanted the title to stake a claim that Arab modernism has an important (if overlooked) role in world cinema more generally. Whether we are thinking of the history of cinema in the Maghrib, in Syria, in Lebanon, in Egypt... there are Arab films and filmmakers that have pushed the boundaries of creative expression and deserve to be thought of alongside other more storied films and filmmakers from Europe or the Americas. Third, I wanted to argue that the relationship of Arab modernism to the world is one that preoccupies Smihi’s films at the level of form and content. As an argument about authorship, I claim that Smihi’s films enact the question of Arab modernism as world cinema by finding a vernacular in which to speak while always sharing ideas, images, and discourses across a diverse transnational landscape. In that sense, the book also cautions against a simplistic idea of national cinema: I am very conscious of the ways Smihi’s films engage a Moroccan cultural and political landscape, but they also show how we can never think solely within a national frame.

One of the ways that I address these questions in the book is by thinking about the unfinished history of the Nahda or Arab Renaissance. Picking up on recent work by Tarek El-Ariss, Suzanne Elizabeth Kassab, Jens Hanssen, and Max Weiss, and many others, I show how Smihi’s oeuvre is deeply engaged in the concerns of the Nahdawis—through ideas of language, translation, religion, secularism, feminism, and the development of an Arab modernity that is neither beholden to the West nor hermetically sealed off from it. These films reveal a legacy of thought that goes far wider than the world of film.

So, I am juggling a number of things in the study—authorship, national cinema, and ideas about modernity and modernism in an Arab frame—but I use Smihi’s work as a lever to better understand all of them.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

PL: There may not seem like an obvious connection, since my first book is on histories of settler colonialism and cinema in the wake of the British empire, in the United States, Australia, and New Zealand (where I am originally from). But what I do there points to my new book in a few significant ways.  

First, Making Settler Cinemas thinks beyond some of the limitations of national cinema paradigms: what do we do with the bastard products of empire, the transnationally produced films about the settler colonies of Australia and New Zealand that no one really wants to claim as part of an “authentic” national cinema but that are an important part of the legacy of cinema there? Moroccan filmmaker Ahmed Bouanani tried to answer related questions when he made his film Mémoire 14 (1971) from the archives of French colonial actuality films, and he and Smihi both write about the films made at the Soussi studios, a French-Moroccan venture of the protectorate years that tried to rival Egypt’s productions. So, strange as it may first seem, issues like these connect otherwise disparate settings. 

Second, the research for that book put me into a setting where I worked with the New Zealand Film Archive and Māori (indigenous) communities on the recirculation of colonial films with deep ties to local cultures, putting them in touch with new publics. Developing curation there as an integral part of my research practice led me to program a retrospective of Smihi’s films in 2013 and 2014, which premiered in conjunction with a symposium on Arab film and visual culture that I co-curated with a UC Davis colleague, Omnia El Shakry. And last but not least—I became an archive rat with my first book and that habit certainly continued for this book, with primary research happening in multiple trips to Morocco, France, and Lebanon.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

PL: My primary audience will certainly be scholars, students, and historians, though I hope that my writing will be accessible to an interested general audience, too. I am addressing film scholars and students who want to expand their understanding of world cinema. I also want to contribute to changing the ways that we approach Arab and Middle Eastern cinemas: not just reading them in terms of geopolitics or through the lens of Western theories and preoccupations, but by taking seriously the artistic and intellectual currents of the region itself. 

I have also tried to make the book relevant to Middle East studies scholars and students, especially those interested in Arab intellectual history, artistic movements, and culture. In my experience, there is not a lot of disciplinary traffic between Middle East studies and cinema studies, and I have tried to bridge the deep knowledge of area studies approaches with some of the theoretical and formal foci that are particular to film and media studies.  

J: Is this book written primarily for an English-speaking or Western audience?

PL: As I have worked on this project, I have become acutely aware of how much questions of language and translation continue to affect scholarship on Arab and North African cinema. Writing, research methods, and critical approaches do not always travel outside of particular linguistic communities and we are all impoverished by that, wherever we might be located. I work in the United States, so this book’s first language was always going to be English. But I know, because I have been asked so many times in Morocco and elsewhere, that there is a non-Anglophone readership for the book. The films and histories I address are not always well known in Morocco or across the region, either, and one of my main priorities now is to try to facilitate the book’s translation into French and Arabic. I have worked across all three languages in my research and nothing would make me happier than to see the book accessible to French- and Arabic-speaking readers. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

PL: I have started working on the legacies of the Moroccan filmmaker, artist, and writer Ahmed Bouanani (1938-2011) and his brilliant family: his late partner, costume designer Naïma Saoudi Bouanani, who collaborated on all of his film work, his late daughter, Batoul, and his surviving daughter, Touda, who is a video artist in her own right and is now his archivist. I am curious about the new contexts of his work and the collaborations that it is still prompting. There is not enough in my book on Smihi’s incredible documentary about Egyptian cinema, Egyptian Cinema: Defense and Illustration (1989), so I am working on a new essay about that, and I am also writing a paper for the next Middle East Studies Association conference on Italian filmmaker Pier Paolo Pasolini’s film Oedipus Rex (1967), which was shot in Morocco. Further afield, I am starting to research an essay on Lebanese filmmakers Jocelyn Saab, Randa Chahal Sabbagh, and Heiny Srour.

 

Excerpt from the book 

From Chapter Three: “Kan ya makan: Intertextuality and Arab Modernism”

The previous chapter, like the one before it, emphasized the domain of cinematic language as I considered the ways that Smihi’s uses of image and sound constitute an Arab cinematic modernism. That modernism, as a form of écritureor writing, is deeply concerned with textuality: how images and sounds render a world visually and aurally so that viewers might read, feel, and decipher it. This chapter builds on those arguments about language and form to address the realm of intertextuality in relation to Arab modernism and world cinema. As with many experiments of Arab modernity, Moroccan and Arab cinema have often been treated as reactive and beholden to other, foreign traditions: derivative of Euro-American forms and genres, or self-orientalizing if they adopt a perspective that critiques religion or social practices. Maghribi cinema, in particular, when its practitioners have veered away from more overtly commercial forms, has often been critiqued as overly Francophile, as if any deviation from popular forms must indicate a sullying of local authenticity by French influence; Smihi’s work has often attracted such a charge. Yet such perspectives overlook the degree to which an Arab cinematic modernism actively embraces intertextuality—not from an inferiority complex, but in critical and artistic engagement with other texts— and how, exceeding even intentional citation, the intertextuality of films like Smihi’s places them within the broader corpus of a modernist world cinema. Thus released from the demands to be read solely in nationally or regionally specific ways, these films show that many of cinematic modernism’s genealogies are left wanting to the extent that they do not take account of Smihi’s cinema and the films of those around him.

Smihi’s intertextuality is intimately related to the spirit of the Nahda that his work inhabits. As a movement of regeneration or awakening, the Nahda always involved an enthusiastic and multidirectional process of reading, writing, and translation. [...] It is this generous sense of a Nahda with multiple points of translation and citation that I wish to invoke with respect to Smihi’s work and to Arab cinematic modernism more generally. In its desire to create a new, modern Arab subjectivity, Smihi’s cinema relies on a process of an intertextuality that is worldly and multi-directional, linking Arab and Islamic literary sources to European, US, Latin American, Asian, and Arab cinemas. In discussing his engagements with various kinds of realism or sound practice, for example, I have already shown the way Smihi’s films resonate with the work of others, like Rossellini, Antonioni, Visconti, Abu Seif, or Rouch in cinema, Pierre Schaeffer or Gnawa singers in sound, or Naguib Mahfouz or Tolstoy in the novel. This chapter explores those affinities and citations in an even wider frame to show that intertextuality is central to the way that Smihi’s films create a modern Arab subjectivity in the spirit of a new Nahda. Moreover, in so doing, I argue that accounts of world cinema that stress the qualities of the global and transnational might look, as seldom before, towards Arab cinematic modernism as a key site on which to understand the interplay of geopolitical histories, textuality, and aesthetics. Taking seriously these Arab discourses and histories of intertextuality and modernism, oriented as they are to sites outside the Arab world as well as within it, offers a way through the impasses that set Arab cinema and European cinemas in a relation of dependence and hegemony or that create separate spheres of belonging. As I will show, the deep engagement with Arabic sources—both cinematic and pre-cinematic— that Smihi’s films display is matched only by the affinity and love that his films show for other, non-Arab cinemas and sources. Such a relation, akin to what Laura Marks has termed hanan al-cinema or affection for cinema and its moving images, is not only central to understanding Smihi’s work but rather makes his films and their Arab modernism critically important to any full account of world cinema and its interventions.

As I established in the Introduction, as well as being embedded in the histories and lived experience of Tangier and of his knowledge of Arab and Islamic culture, Smihi’s creative practice also owes much to his time in Paris as a student of Barthes, Lacan, and Henri Langlois. It is thus instructive to examine the way that Smihi’s thinking draws upon the cinematic and literary theories of writing and intertextuality as they emerged from the European structuralist and poststructuralist projects, while also dwelling in more expansive contexts; European theory, along with the cinema and culture of Arab world, Africa, and the Americas, is part of the intellectual conversation of his films. As I have suggested already, Smihi elaborates a ciné-écriture or (cinécriture) that we might trace to Alexandre Astruc, one of the first filmmakers or critics to make the analogy between writing and the creative process of cinema through the concept of the camera-stylo or camera-pen. [...]

Cinematic écriture thus becomes a vital way to engage popular and oral forms along with all manner of written and technologically mediated texts. The spaces of “the image-sound discourse” as [Smihi] puts it, are “the sites of joining and fertilization” in which orality, literature, technology, music, and other forms are jointly articulated. For Smihi, “Arab society’s access to modernity is rightly conditioned by this long and deep work of synthesis, of phagocytosis, of the interception and transformation of structures.” Arab modernity, then, is by necessity based on a process of intertextual and intercultural traffic of the type that the Nahda thinkers reinvoked: a relationship to Europe, certainly, but also to other elements within Arab history that had been buried or forgotten. Cinécriture is the practice that can, through its intertextual and synthetic character, establish a modernity built in difference and not self-sameness. 

The metaphor of phagocytosis, or phagocytage in French, is one that Smihi uses more than once to describe such an intertextual practice. A biological term, phagocytosis refers to the process by which a cell devours nutrients or incorporates bacteria around it to sustain itself. Smihi uses it as a way to animate his understanding of intertextuality as a practice by which cinema turns to and incorporates other preexisting discourses in a movement that effaces origins or hierarchies in a practice of radical plurality and endless incorporation. Cinécriture for a Maghribi and Arab filmmaker, he suggests, requires a practice of phagocytosic intertextuality: the work of cinema that Smihi has in mind is both self-consciously and unconsciously—one might say uncontrollably—comprised of, intertwined with, and even consuming of other discourses. How else can the postcolonial Moroccan or Arab subject speak? For Smihi, indeed, for an Arab cinematic modernism more generally, cinema as a practice of research on culture, identity, and the self energizes cinematic form and language and shapes it in ways that are diverse and hybrid, raiding everything while creating something distinctive: cinema links orality to literature, technologies, music and other cultural forms. [...]

Seen in this light, intertextuality in Smihi’s films reveals an operation that exceeds the terms of European theories or of writing as literature. Attending to the intertextuality of Smihi’s cinécriture leads us by necessity to an Arab modernism that continues the project of the Nahda and that forces us to acknowledge the worldliness of many of Arab cinema’s experiments, beyond the expected trajectories of postcolonial influence or debt. While one can trace a set of self-conscious cinematic and literary references in Smihi’s films—as one might expect given his personal erudition and breadth of knowledge—the intertextuality of his films finally exceeds his authorial grasp. For this chapter, treating these films seriously means assessing the roles played by, respectively, the history of Arabo-Islamic philosophy; popular memory and culture in the Maghrib; Arabic music and poetry; and, finally, of other experiments with Arab modernism and cinema as they have taken shape in literature and other art forms. For it is in this expanded sense of intertextual affiliation and history that we find Arab cinema in its most radical and modernist form, speaking linguistic, cultural, and local specificities while claiming its place within world cinema.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.