Jeffrey G. Karam and Rima Majed, eds., The Lebanon Uprising of 2019: Voices from the Revolution (New Texts Out Now)

Jeffrey G. Karam and Rima Majed, eds., The Lebanon Uprising of 2019: Voices from the Revolution (New Texts Out Now)

Jeffrey G. Karam and Rima Majed, eds., The Lebanon Uprising of 2019: Voices from the Revolution (New Texts Out Now)

By : Jeffrey G. Karam and Rima Majed

Jeffrey G. Karam and Rima Majed (eds.), The Lebanon Uprising of 2019: Voices from the Revolution (I.B. Tauris and Bloomsbury, 2022).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you co-edit and contribute to this book?

Jeffrey G. Karam and Rima Majed (JK & RM): Our plan to co-edit this book came from a desire to provide an initial account of the historic events of October 2019 through the voices of some of its protagonists. 

The book project started during the COVID-19 lockdowns in mid-2020, when we found ourselves pulled out of the streets and confined to our homes. The fast transformations in our lives in Lebanon, from revolution to pandemic, and the quickly deepening financial crisis, created a need amongst many of us to make sense of the immensity of the events we were living and experiencing. This was further aggravated by the 4 August 2020 Beirut port blast that devasted the lives of thousands of people and formed yet another critical juncture in our collective history. In that sense, this book started as a collective effort to document, understand, and explain the October 2019 revolutionary uprising and its aftermath.

We wanted a book that echoes some of the various experiences and reflections that shaped our thinking around the revolution and its unfolding at the moment of writing. Most importantly, we wanted to work on a book that moves beyond the strict confines of academic writing to make space for non-academics and academics alike to contribute their knowledge and shape the debates around the Lebanon uprising of 2019. In that sense, we wanted to experiment with various writing styles and open up the discussion to topics ranging from social and political theorization to discussions on history, urban spaces, tactics, the banks, the media, refugees, the environmental question, disability rights, women’s activism, party loyalists, counter-revolution, and so on. We also wanted to ensure that the book would be neither Beirut-centric nor Lebanese-centric. Therefore, we invited contributions that looked at spaces and experiences of revolution outside Beirut, in addition to a chapter on the diaspora. Similarly, we purposefully do not use the term “Lebanese” uprising or revolution out of a conviction that the roles and experiences of non-Lebanese residents and refugees in Lebanon are equally important. To that end, we included contributions by non-Lebanese authors and provided chapters that link the events of October 2019 in Lebanon with the revolutions in Iraq, Tunisia, Syria, and beyond.

... we sought to rectify the problems of a scholarly echo chamber by complicating the artificial boundaries of academia and questioning the hierarchies of knowledge production.

J:  What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

JK & RM: Before addressing this question, it is important to note that the book is not representative of all the diverse actors who took to the streets of Lebanon. Yet, it centers on the varied experiences of diverse individuals across different milieus. While we argue that this book is an early and deep appreciation of this complex moment in Lebanon, it is an interdisciplinary treatment of the revolutionary situation that erupted in 2019. We highlight two important points on what the book addresses.

First, we sought to rectify the problems of a scholarly echo chamber by complicating the artificial boundaries of academia and questioning the hierarchies of knowledge production. By amplifying the voices of protagonists (academics or not) on the ground, our book highlights the importance of endeavors that reconstruct history from below.

Second, the book constitutes a body of knowledge that includes primary documents, photographs, and reflections from the ground that have not been featured collectively. Thus, the different chapters reflect on the fine line between analytical reflections and lived experiences. These lived experiences stem from different exchanges between the contributors and many others in forming alternative labor unions and syndicates, political coalitions, and new political platforms to challenge the status quo. While the book is published in English, many contributors wrote their chapters in Arabic which were later translated into English. Importantly, we are working diligently on translating the book into Arabic to reach a wider audience in the Arab world.

In that sense, the book is among the first in the broader literature on the Arab uprisings to exclusively bring together local activists and academics to reflect on their experiences and present their analysis of their own uprising. This forms an important step in bringing to the fore knowledge production from the Global South and giving priority to local scholars and activists to tell their stories while making important academic contributions to the broader fields of international relations, social movements studies, revolutionary theory, and Middle East studies.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

JK: My contribution (chapter 8 specifically) is a natural outgrowth of my monograph that will be published soon on how great powers engage with and often seek to disrupt transformational moments of political change in the Arab world. While my monograph focuses on the Cold War and examines how the United States analyzed the various revolutionary situations that unfolded in different Arab capitals, my chapter in this volume complicates the relationship between revolutionary and counter-revolutionary forces by examining how the United States and Iran served as the “shadow guardians of the status-quo” in Lebanon before, during, and after the revolutionary uprising in 2019. This book likewise compliments my edited volume, The Middle East in 1958: Reimagining a Revolutionary Year (NEWTON here), which focused on the postcolonial revolutionary situations and the broader connections to revolutionary struggles across West Asia and North Africa and outside the region in the 1950s.

RM: My work for the past ten years has focused on the intersection between social movements and sectarianism in Lebanon, Iraq, and beyond. Therefore, this book (and my contribution in chapter 7) came as a clear continuation of my previous work and my long-standing interest in the question of contentious street politics and change in sectarianized polities. I built on my previous work on Lebanon and Iraq and on my extensive fieldwork in both countries to write a chapter for this book that theorizes for what I call “sectarian neoliberalism” and to reflect on these revolutionary situations as part of a broader process of revolutionary ruptures in the region, denouncing both neoliberalism and identity politics at once.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

JK & RM: This book was conceived with several audiences in mind. For brevity, we will highlight three. First, scholars and activists who work on or in the Arab world and those interested in understanding unfolding revolutionary situations as part of longer processes of change that happen elsewhere around the globe. Second, curious readers who are interested in the intersection between the various revolutionary situations that unfolded during the “first wave” of uprisings in the Arab world in 2010/2011 and the “second wave” that started to erupt in 2018. Third, this book was also written with specialists and scholars of Lebanon in mind, specifically those interested in situating the October 2019 uprising within Lebanon’s historical, political, and social context.

While our book is not structured as a typical academic contribution, we believe that its format, depth, and rigor serve a great scholarly goal. This book broadens the theoretical and empirical debates around revolution and counter-revolution and will push our understanding of revolutionary outbreaks in the twenty-first century. Similarly, we hope that this book will serve as a helpful resource for undergraduate and graduate courses. 

In terms of impact, we hope that many scholars and activists will build on the book and further analyze both the similarities and differences between the unfolding revolutionary situation in Lebanon, elsewhere in the region, and beyond. We likewise hope that the book is a starting point for future work that will bring together local protagonists andacademics to reflect on and present their analysis of their own uprisings. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

JK: Aside from my monograph and several articles on US engagement with revolutionary situations and moments of political change in the Arab world from the Cold War to the present day, I am currently writing about the “oil crisis” in 1973 and the role of great powers as counter-revolutionary actors between the “first wave” and “second wave” of Arab protests. Moreover, my published and forthcoming work likewise addresses the complexities of teaching political science during moments of crisis, with an emphasis on Lebanon. I am also writing article manuscripts that draw on a recent book that I co-edited, Global Authoritarianism: Perspectives and Contestations from the South, which complicates existing accounts of “authoritarianism” to provide a multifaceted perspective on such political structures and dynamics in the Global South, with an emphasis on the Arab world.

RM: I am currently working on a monograph that provides a reading of Lebanon’s uprising through the antinomies of “sectarian neoliberalism.” This book project is an in-depth account of the Lebanon uprising read through the lens of contradiction and based on a wealth of novel data and research. In addition to this book, I am working on a number of other projects: 1) archiving protests in Lebanon since the mid-1980s; 2) an initiative that highlights critical approaches to development studies in the region; and 3) a comparative research project that looks at the second wave of Arab uprisings through research on Lebanon, Iraq, Sudan, and Algeria.

J: What are some of the many theoretical and methodological issues with researching and writing about revolutionary situations along binary lines (failed or successful)?

JK & RM: Our book strongly contests the tendency among scholars and commentators to quickly label revolutionary struggles as either successes or failures. To this end, this volume highlights the importance of the “longue durée” in the study of revolutions and adopts a much more nuanced framework that accounts for the complexity of revolutionary struggles and that pays attention to the dialectical relation between revolutionary and counterrevolutionary forces. A focus on the dynamics and processes of revolutionary struggle, an analysis of social and political transformations, and reflections from the field as these struggles unfold and deepen can demonstrate the particularity of this transformational moment in Lebanon without falling into the trope of Lebanese exceptionalism. 

 

Excerpt from the book (from chapter 1—Jeffrey G. Karam and Rima Majed, “Framing the October Uprising in Lebanon: An Unfolding Revolutionary Situation,” pp. 1-4)

On the eve of October 17, 2019, Lebanon’s revolutionary uprising (Thawra) erupted. Following a week of wildfires that ravaged parts of the countryside while the state stood inept, and in the context of a financial crisis that had started to clearly implode, the Lebanese government announced the introduction of new taxes, including a tax on the popular WhatsApp voice and messaging application. Hours following the governmental decision, hundreds of protesters took to the streets in Beirut and other cities, blocking roads and burning tires. The mobilization quickly grew and spread across the country in an unprecedented way. By the early hours of the evening, hundreds of thousands were in the streets, in every corner of the country, declaring what they called a Thawra.

Despite having a long history of protest and contestation, this was the first time in the modern history of Lebanon that protests erupted concomitantly across the country in a geographically decentralized way, mobilizing such vast numbers of protesters. For those in the streets on that evening, the events felt different compared to previous waves of mobilization. This was a popular uprising that initially mobilized the working classes across the country in a spontaneous and concerted way. Raising the same revolutionary demand that echoed in the streets in 2011, the protesters wanted the downfall of the regime. Repeating the 2015 slogan that arose during the #You_Stink movement, protesters chanted “Kellon Ya’ne Kellon” (or “All of them means of all them”) to highlight the multiheaded nature of the Lebanese consociational system. However, what was eye-catching on that October evening was the spontaneous mobilization of masses across the country with a clear class-based discourse, linking the economic and the political, targeting the sectarian leaders and the “oligarchy” at once, bringing back the social question to the center of contestation, and speaking of a clear “us” versus “them” in class terms.

The other interesting aspect of the early days of this uprising was the heavy prevalence of curse words in chants to express anger against the ruling class, with a focus on Gebran Bassil, the son-in-law of the president of the Republic (Michel Aoun). This discursive break with norms and hierarchies, with curses, addressed at all politicians and bankers from Riad Salameh to Hassan Nasrallah, made the early days of the uprising a powerful and celebrated “insolent revolution.” The events of October 17 quickly took the form of road blockades as a move to shut down the country from north to south in the absence of unions to declare a general strike. The need to put the country to a halt, disrupt “business as usual,” and declare the start of a new phase was evident. The historic images of that night and the spontaneous coming together of a population against a ruling class reflected deeper social and structural transformations and signaled an “intensification of history.”

Lebanon’s Thawra can only be understood within a broader historical context of internal, regional, and global movements and uprisings. Since the first wave of Arab uprisings in 2011, social movements and revolutionaries around the globe have been affected by this major critical juncture that spread from the squares of some Arab cities to shape movements and revolts in other parts of the world such as the Occupy movement in the United States and the United Kingdom, the Indignados movement in Spain and Greece, or the Africa uprisings that had been long underway and intensified in 2011. The reverberations of this first wave of Arab uprisings were also felt in other countries of the Arab region that did not directly witness an uprising. In Lebanon, the year 2011 had reshaped and transformed local struggles. Starting with the emergence of the movement for the “Downfall of the Sectarian Regime” in 2011, passing through the renewed feminist movement, the 2013 mobilization of the Union Coordination Committee, and the 2015 “#You_Stink” movement that formed an important turning point in the history of activism in Lebanon, and reaching the 2019 mobilizations in the Palestinian refugee camps for the right to work, Lebanon’s sociopolitical history since 2011 has been shaped by a broader regional context of heightened mobilization and countermobilization. This context has been significantly affected by the reverberations of the Syrian revolution, and its counterrevolution, in Lebanon.

Like 2011, the year 2019 formed another critical juncture in the history of protest in the region and globally. With the Algerian and Sudanese uprisings starting at the end of 2018 and the Iraqi uprising erupting just a few weeks before October 17, 2019, when the Lebanon uprisings started, a “second wave” of Arab uprisings was soon announced. This wave continued to develop in the region with the outbreak of the Palestinian uprising in 2021. As with the previous wave of 2011, the year 2019 also witnessed increased mobilization and revolt across the globe, spreading from Chile to Hong Kong. While these historical moments of uprising form what political scientist Kathleen Thelen and sociologist Donatella della Porta called “critical junctures,” this book conceptualizes uprisings as both critical events and longer-term historical processes that need to be studied and understood as they unfold in their longue durée. In that sense, this book zooms into a critical moment in the history of Lebanon—the eruption of the revolutionary uprising in October 2019 and the initial aftermath—to analyze and position it within a broader history of social change and political transformation.

Framing the October Uprising: A “Revolutionary Situation” and Counterrevolutionary Forces

This book’s approach to understanding the October uprising in Lebanon is rooted in the political and academic debates that have developed over the past decades to define, analyze, and frame moments of mass popular upheaval that have shaken societies and polities alike and that have attempted to change political regimes and social orders. Therefore, this book centers Lebanon’s October revolutionary uprising as part of the wider revolutionary movements that have taken new shapes and higher frequency since the start of the twenty-first century, and more precisely, since 2011.

One of the most heated debates today revolves around the nature of the events that started to unfold in the Arab region since 2011. While some scholars and commentators consider these events to be revolutions or revolutionary uprisings and revolts within a broader process of revolutionary unfolding in the region, others are more skeptical of the revolutionary nature of these historical events and see them mainly as an Arab “spring” followed by a “winter,” failed uprisings, “refolutions,” or even “brief moment of mobilization.” Some consider how revolutions reshape international order and why such transformational moments of political change pose unpredictable threats and generate instability between and within states.

At the core of the more skeptical accounts lies a definition of revolution centered on successful outcomes in terms of regime change and state transformation. This has drawn a large body of literature on the Arab uprisings that focuses on the difficult process of democratization, the resilience of authoritarianism, the resurgence of Islamism, and the persistence of monarchies. While this understanding of revolution tied to outcome is widely based on Theda Skocpol’s classical definition of revolution as “rapid, basic transformations of a society’s state and class structures . . . in part carried through by class-based revolts from below,” more recent debates are inviting us to rethink the definition of revolution in the twenty-first century beyond the focus on the binary of success and failure in outcomes.

Moreover, these newer accounts are also encouraging us to move away from a definition of revolution that is fixated on “political revolution” that changes regimes to an understanding of “social revolution” that centers social and economic transformations—an aspect of Skocpol’s definition that has been widely overlooked in the mainstream discussions on the Arab uprisings. These debates have also opened bigger theoretical discussions on whether the study of the Arab uprisings is still considered part of the fourth generation of revolution theories that had moved beyond the structuralism of the third generation to focus more on agency and processes. Moreover, there are discussions of whether a “fifth generation of revolution theory” has developed in the past years of study of the Arab uprisings with an approach to these revolutions as being essentially nonviolent and nonconfrontational. While these debates are still heated and lively, there seems to be a consensus that new approaches and theories are needed to understand revolutions today.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.