Faculty Letter to Princeton University Admin Calling for VP W. Rochelle Calhoun’s Resignation

Collin Riggins Collin Riggins

Faculty Letter to Princeton University Admin Calling for VP W. Rochelle Calhoun’s Resignation

By : Faculty of Princeton University

We, the undersigned faculty members and academic staff at Princeton University, write this letter to condemn your repression and vilification of Princeton students and other community members currently protesting and engaging in civil disobedience in solidarity with Palestine. 

For almost a week now, people of multiple faiths, genders, ages, and colors — belonging to the Princeton community and beyond — have participated in an entirely peaceful student-led sit-in on campus in pursuit of their demand that the University divest from Israel. In your communications with the campus community, you fail to mention the context preceding the students’ escalation of their protest which culminated in the occupation of Clio Hall on Monday, April 29: your refusal to consider the students’ demand for divestment from Israel for decades and your ignoring of their most recent efforts since the Fall of 2023 to reach you through the formal and procedural channels available at the University. You do not admit the complete refusal of the Princeton administration to respond to all the earlier requests to engage with students in serious, good-faith dialogue.

In the face of such deliberate indifference, escalating a student protest through the occupation of a university building is a measure with abundant precedent in the history of protest movements in this country and beyond—a history that the University itself lauds. If we may remind you, your assigned pre-read for this school year was “How to Stand Up to a Dictator” by Maria Ressa ’86.

Protest measures such as occupying academic buildings, encamping on university lawns, assembling and mobilizing people on campus premises have all long been part of US campus protests, including at Princeton. Such protest measures have been amply visible on US (and global) campuses during moments like protest against apartheid in South Africa, and the US wars in Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq. The current protest is no different. It is neither exceptional nor dangerous. Rather, it is your criminalization of this protest and of the student protestors who are leading it that is both exceptional and dangerous.

In her April 30 message to the campus community, Vice President W. Rochelle Calhoun falsely claimed,  without providing any evidence, that student protesters who entered Clio Hall on April 29 were violent and threatened people inside the building. This is a lie negated by the eyewitness account of the faculty observer who entered the building with the student protestors. VP Calhoun builds a case for unsparing discipline upon the students on the grounds of the picture of yelling, abuse, and unsafety she paints. This attempt to scare student protestors through stereotyping and the threat of arrest and criminal punishment constitutes an authoritarian assault on democratic principles.

All Princeton students protesting for divestment from Israel have done so non-violently and their disruptions have been no different than those in earlier occupations on campus. The only student arrested for violent activity on April 29 was a counter-protestor who was charged with assault.

Your invocation of “time, place, and manner” restrictions to free speech appears arbitrary in this case and clearly shows your bias against the viewpoint espoused by the student protestors. Moreover, your use of force and power as we have witnessed in the last week sets a dangerous precedent that can swallow and circumvent all future expressions of student, faculty, or staff dissent and protest on subjectively interpreted grounds of maintaining “public order.”

If anything, your recourse to the contrived imperative of “maintaining public order” with the help of law enforcement agencies-a textbook colonial discourse and tactic still abundantly employed by authoritarian states-has only brought disorder and disturbance to an otherwise entirely organized and peaceful student led protest movement. For instance, to cite one among many cases of police heavy handedness that you unleashed on your own students, an arrested Black Muslim student had no choice but to pray while restrained with zip-ties, next to the Graduate School’s own Office of Access, Diversity, and Inclusion.

Let us be very clear and direct: your turn to authoritarian threats of violence against your own students peacefully protesting a just cause has little to do with an ostensible concern for public order and safety, and everything to do with the desire to quash a movement critical of a particular modern nation state and of the possible implication of Princeton University’s financial portfolio in a horrific genocide being currently conducted by that nation state. By casting student protestors as potential criminals, you also authorize the insidious and untenable assumption of equating raising one’s voice against the violence of a modern nation state with antisemitism. More than anyone else, such an implication is offensive towards our Jewish students who are playing a leading role in the organization and execution of these protests, at Princeton and across the country.

Along with our diverse student organizations, we reject the ensuing lockdown of Morrison Hall, which houses the Department of African American Studies and the Effron Center for the Study of America – where many students have come to engage with Latino Studies, Asian American Studies, American Studies, and Indigenous Studies. Four out of five arrested undergraduate students are pursuing degrees in African American Studies.

We affirm the democratic tradition which includes the historic role of civil disobedience. We affirm Princeton University’s commitment to serve humanity and we seek to pursue this value without discrimination among the peoples of the world.

We urge you to stop the criminalization, gross mischaracterization, and harassment of non-violent student protestors. We urge you to drop all charges against the arrested students, in recognition of their right to protest and their use of civil disobedience methods, and to grant them full amnesty. We demand that the University recognize that the students have tried all available procedural means to initiate dialogue on their demands with the administration and that you enter into dialogue with the students immediately. Finally, we demand the immediate resignation of VP Calhoun in whose leadership we have lost all faith following her untruthful and deliberately misleading representation of student protesters that has proven to be the real threat to the Princeton University community.

Signed,

- Faculty and Academic Staff of Princeton University -

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412